El término "prevención de la delincuencia mediante el urbanismo" fue originalmente acuñado y formulado por el criminólogo C. Ray Jeffery. Un planteamiento más limitado, denominado espacio defendible, fue desarrollado al mismo tiempo por el arquitecto Oscar Newman. Ambos se apoyaron en el trabajo previo de Elizabeth Madera, Jane Jacobs y Schlomo Angel. El libro de Jeffery, "Prevención de la delincuencia mediante el diseño del entorno" se publicó en 1971, pero su trabajo no se tuvo en cuenta durante la década que comenzó ese año. Por su parte el libro de Newman, "Espacio defendible: prevención de la delincuencia mediante el diseño urbano" se publicó en 1972. Sus principios fueron ampliamente adoptados pero con éxitos y fracasos. El planteamiento de espacio defendible fue posteriormente revisado con ideas basadas en la CPTED. Newman representó esto como CPTED y reconoció a Jeffery como padre del término. El espacio defendible de Newman así mejorado tuvo mucho éxito y resultó en una reconsideración del trabajo de Jeffery, quien además continuó ampliando los aspectos multidisciplinares del planteamiento. Fue publicando estos avances hasta 1990. El modelo de Jeffery es más amplio que el Newman, que se limita al entorno construido. Posteriormente se desarrollaron otros modelos de CPTED basados en el de Newman. De ellos el más popular es el del criminólogo Tim Crowe.

Hacia 2004 generalmente se entendía la CPTED como estrictamente referida a los modelos Newman/Crowe, con el modelo Jeffery empleado más bien como un planteamiento multidisciplinar de prevención de la delincuencia que incorporaba la biología y la psicología, situación que incluso el propio Jeffery aceptó. (Robinson, 1996). Una revisión de la CPTED, iniciada en 1997 y denomina CPTED de segunda generación, adapta la CPTED a la individualidad del infractor, indicación suplementaria de que el trabajo de Jeffery ya no se considera generalmente una parte de la CPTED. En 2012 Woodbridge introdujo y desarrolló la CPTED para cárceles. Demostró que fallos de diseño permiten a los delincuentes continuar delinquiendo.

1961-1970

In this decade Elizabeth Madera developed guidelines to address citizen safety issues while working with the Chicago Housing Authority, emphasizing design features that favored natural surveillance of the environment. Their guidelines were never implemented, but they did generate the new ideas that led to CPTED.

Jane Jacobs' book The Life and Death of Great American Cities (1961) argued that urban vitality and diversity were being destroyed by urban planners and their urban renewal plans. He thus challenged the axioms of urban planning of the time: that neighborhoods should be isolated from each other; that an empty street is safer than a full one; and that the car represents a progress over the pedestrian. Jacobs was editor of the magazine Foro Arquitectónico from 1952 to 1964. She had not received specific training in urban planning, but her work emerged as the foundation of a new way of seeing cities. He sensed that the way cities were being designed made their inhabitants incapable of self-regulation. He noted that new forms of urban design undermined many of the traditional controls on criminal behavior, for example, the ability of residents to observe the street and the presence of people using the street both day and night. Jacobs suggested that the lack of "natural surveillance" in the environment encouraged crime. He developed the idea that crime increases when people do not interact with their neighbors, or only do so superficially. In Life and Death..., Jacobs defined the 3 attributes necessary to make a street safe: clear demarcation of public and private spaces; diversity of uses; and many pedestrians on the sidewalks.

Schlomo Angel was a CPTED pioneer who had the notable urban planner Christopher Alexander as a teacher. Angel's doctoral thesis, Deterring Crime Through Urbanism, (1968) was a study of street crime in Oakland, California (Oakland, California). In this thesis he states "The physical environment can exert a direct influence on crime frameworks by delineating territories, reducing or increasing accessibility through the creation or elimination of borders and circulation networks, and by facilitating surveillance by citizens and police." He also claims that crime was inversely proportional to the level of activity on the street, and that the commercial area of ​​the city was particularly vulnerable to crime because it reduced activity, making it easier for an individual to commit street crimes. Angel developed and published CPTED concepts in 1970 in works supported and widely distributed by the United States Department of Justice (Luedtke, 1970).

1971-1980

C. Ray Jeffery, a criminologist at the University of Florida, began using the term "crime prevention through urban planning" (CPTED). The denomination gained followers after the publication in 1971 of his book with that title.

Jeffery's work was based on the precepts of experimental psychology contained in modern learning theory (Jeffery and Zahm, 1993:329). Jeffery's concept of CPTED arose from his experiences with an architectural rehabilitation project in Washington, D.C., which attempted to control the school environment for local youth. Deeply rooted in Burrhus Frederic Skinner's learning theory, Jeffery's CPTED approach emphasized the role of the environment in developing pleasurable and painful experiences for the offender that could alter the outcomes of his behavior. His initial CPTED model was stimulus-response: the organism learned from punishments and reinforcements in the environment. Jeffery “emphasized material rewards…and the use of the environment to control behavior” (Jeffery and Zahm, 1993:330). The main idea was that if the reinforcements to crime were eliminated, it would not occur.

A contribution of this book by Jeffery that has been little taken into account is the extraction of 4 critical factors for preventing crimes that have stood the test of time:.

1. • The degrees to which the opportunity for the crime to be committed can be manipulated.

2. • The motivation of the offender.

3. • The risk for the criminal if he acts.

4. • The history of the person who is considering whether or not to commit the crime.

The first 3 are susceptible to control by the potential victim, while the last is not.

For reasons that have received little attention, Jeffery's work went unheeded during this decade. The author's own explanation is that, at a time when the world wanted prescriptive design solutions, his work offered a broad theory and used it to identify a wide range of crime prevention functions that should guide design and management standards.

Concurrent with Jeffery's largely theoretical work, earlier this decade Oscar Newman and George Rand conducted an empirical study on the connection between crime and environment. As an architect, Newman highlighted specific features of the design that Jeffery had not noticed. Newman's book Defensible Space: Crime Prevention through Urbanism (1972) contains an extensive treatment of crime related to housing layout based on analysis of crime data from the New York Housing Agency. This book changed the nature of crime prevention and urban design: within 2 years of its publication, substantial federal funds were allocated to study and demonstrate the concepts of "defensible space."

1981-1990

In this decade it was observed that defensible space prescriptions were effective sometimes and not others. They worked best in residential settings, especially if residents were relatively free to respond to cues to increase social interaction. In contrast, in institutional and commercial settings, they were only marginally effective. As a result, Newman and others promoted the improvement of this theory by adding CPTED features. They also downplayed the less effective aspects of defensible space. Contributions to the advancement of CPTED in this decade include:

• - The broken windows theory, postulated by James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling in 1982, explored the behavioral impact of visible deterioration and neglect in neighborhoods. The proper maintenance of buildings was added as a CPTED strategy to surveillance, access control and territoriality. This theory can go hand in hand with CPTED: neglected or abandoned areas attract crime. The CPTED adds a sense of pride for the owners. If there are no more "broken windows" in certain neighborhoods, crime will continue to decrease and eventually disappear.

• - Canadian academics Patricia and Paul Brantingham published Environmental Criminology in 1981. According to the authors, crime takes place when all the essential elements are present: a law, a criminal, an objective and a place. They call them "the 4 dimensions of crime", and their environmental criminology studies precisely the last one.

• - British criminologists Ronald Clark and Patricia Mayhew developed their "situational crime prevention": it is about reducing the opportunity to commit crimes by improving the design and management of the environment.

• - Criminologist Timothy Crowe developed his training programs at CPTED.

• - Criminology: an interdisciplinary approach (1990) was Jeffery's final contribution to CPTED. His model evolved to assume that “The environment never directly influences behavior, but only through the brain. “Any crime prevention model must include both the brain and the environment.” As Jeffery's current model is based on many fields, such as the knowledge of the brain provided by modern neurology, focusing only on the external environment is inadequate and neglects an entire dimension of CPTED, that is, the internal environment. (Robinson, 1996).

1991-2000

The book Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (1991), by criminologist Tim Crowe, provided a solid foundation for CPTED moving forward for the rest of this decade.

From 1994 to 2002, the Sparta Consulting Corporation, led by Severin Sorensen, managed the largest CPTED training and technical assistance program in public housing with the CPP certificate, funded by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development. During this period Sorensen worked with Ronald V. Clarke and the Sparta team to develop a new CPTED "Curriculum (Education)" curriculum that used situational crime prevention as the theoretical basis for CPTED measures. This curriculum was developed and actors in the social housing environment were trained in it. CPTED follow-up assessments were subsequently carried out on several buildings. Sparta-led CPTED projects showed reductions between 17 and 76 percent of reported FBI UCR Part I crimes, depending on the set of CPTED measures applied in high-crime, low-income U.S. neighborhoods.

In 1996 Oscar Newman published an update of his CPTED work, titled Creating a Defensible Space, Institute for the Analysis of Community Design, Planning and Development Research Agency of the US department mentioned in the previous paragraph.

In 1997 an article by Greg Saville and Gerry Cleveland The second generation of CPTED urged those who applied these measures to take into account their origins in social ecology, considering psychological and social aspects beyond urban planning.

2001-2010

By 2004 the elements of CPTED had achieved wide international acceptance due to attempts to include them in laws. The term CPTED "environment" is commonly used to refer to the external environment of the site. Jeffery's intention that it also refer to the internal environment of the offender seems to have been lost, even among those who promoted, under the banner "second generation CPTED" that CPTED also encompass social ecology and psychology.

2011 onwards

In 2012 Woodbridge introduced and developed the concept of CPTED in the prison environment, a place where inmates continue to commit crimes after being convicted. Jeffery's understanding of the offender's mind in his study of a halfway house forty years earlier was now being used to reduce crime in those same types of facilities. Woodbridge showed how prison design allowed crime to continue, and introduced changes to reduce crime.

Las estrategias CPTED son tanto más eficaces cuantas menos molestias causan a las personas honradas y cuando el diseño CPTED se basa en los esfuerzos combinados de diseñadores ambientales, administradores, activistas y fuerzas del orden. Las estrategias enumeradas no pueden llevarse a cabo sin la ayuda de la comunidad, y hace falta que toda ella se esfuerce en lograr un lugar más seguro donde vivir. Un metaanálisis de iniciativas CPTED de múltiples componentes en los EE. UU. ha hallado que han contribuido a disminuir los robos entre el 30 y el 84 % (Casteel and Peek-Asa, 2000).[2]​[3]​.

En términos de eficacia, un nombre más exacto para la estrategia sería disuasión de la delincuencia mediante el urbanismo. La investigación demuestra que la CPTED no impide literalmente delinquir. La CPTED se basa en cambios en el entorno físico que harán tomar al posible delincuente decisiones conductuales. Estos cambios están diseñados para animar un determinado comportamiento, y por tanto, más que impedir, disuaden.

Además de que un análisis de costo-efectividad de la CPTED para reducir la delincuencia arroja resultados favorables, la CPTED reduce los costes globales de prevenir los delitos. Reformar un entorno existente para satisfacer los requisitos de la CPTED puede ser caro a veces (si deben abrirse nuevas ventanas, cambiar el lugar a donde dan o modificar los puntos de acceso o los aparcamientos), pero cuando se incorpora la CPTED en la fase de diseño, resulta más barato que los planteamientos tradicionales. Los costes operativos también son a menudo inferiores, porque la iluminación CPTED utiliza significativamente menos energía. Otro atractivo de la CPTED es que reduce la responsabilidad jurídica.

Parnaby Studio

This is a 2006 Canadian study in which 25 CPTED experts were interviewed. Many of those who receive CPTED certification are former police officers or security guards. This analysis by Parnaby questions the CPTED principles for their somewhat simplistic assumptions. The research found that CPTED professionals were constantly influenced by the notion of "foreseeable danger": if an environment suffered from an unsafe area or identifiable faults that were not fixed, this would inevitably lead to crime.

• - Firstly, CPTED professionals see the causes of crime unidimensionally, because they use certainty approaches ("if a window is left open, a thief will enter") when probability approaches are more correct ("if a window is left open, there is a greater danger of a thief entering"). They thus think that it is poorly designed environments that cause crime. CPTED could then lead to neglecting other forms of crime prevention (such as care for disadvantaged families).

• - Secondly, thinking like this divides people into 2 groups: criminals and responsible citizens. The separation between "good" and "bad" people, according to Parnaby, is probably established through social stereotypes based on what people think of race, socioeconomic status, and gender, thus not adequately defining who or what is a genuine threat. The result is that certain people are excluded from certain neighborhoods.

• - Finally, Parnaby addresses the ways in which CPTED professionals induce their clients to be active participants. They make it appear that risk management is an individual's moral and civic responsibility. The problem is that this view morphs into that governments do not have the resources to fully manage the risk of crime, so personal safety is also an individual responsibility. This can lead to the emergence of groups that take justice into their own hands.[4]​.

Criticisms of CPTED

The main argument against CPTED is that it does not effectively reduce crime. It is unknown, for example, whether those planning to commit or are committing a crime of passion would be deterred by a greater likelihood of being observed.[5] It has also been suggested that surveillance cameras do essentially the same job in a city as building community spaces where individuals feel observed.

CPTED measures have been blamed for ignoring the causes of crime and favoring dystopian scenarios, such as the creation of closed communities.[1]​ However, practically no one defends them as a sole preventive strategy, but rather combined with other strategies, whether police or social.[1]​.

En Europa también tuvieron influencia los enfoques de prevención de la delincuencia mediante la CPTED y recibían el nombre de enfoque situacional, prevención de la delincuencia mediante el espacio urbano y arquitectónico o la reducción de la delincuencia y el miedo a la delincuencia mediante la conservación de las ciudades. En concreto en la versión europea priman más lo valores que se centran en temas sociales y organizativos y van más allá del entorno físico, no obstante, también se aplicaron los principios del CPTED.

Crime and apartment blocks.

In Europe during the sixties and seventies, a series of publicly subsidized apartment blocks were built, such as the Rennbahnweb in Vienna or the Bijmermeer in Amsterdam. However, the rise of thinking related to crime prevention through environmental design in Europe meant that in the eighties and nineties of the 20th century, these apartment blocks were demolished, with the cost that this entailed, because it was considered that they could contribute to the appearance of crime.

Some of the reasons for the collapse of these buildings are based on the ideas contained in Alice Coleman's work called "Utopia on trial", also closely related to Newman's thinking about defensible space*.* In this work the geographer criticizes the blocks of flats through a fictitious trial in which she aims to demonstrate how this type of buildings are not adequate architecture and that other options should be chosen. Coleman bases her case on a study of three London areas. in which he includes two depressed areas of the center and a suburb and compares the design of these apartments with that of unplanned single-family residences before the war. Likewise, his work also contains six indicators of social unrest which he calls "incivility", graffiti, acts of vandalism, number of dependent children, garbage, urine and excrement. reference to crime and was attributed to a large number of homes. Alice Coleman establishes that the larger and more accessible a building was, the more indicators of social unrest would appear, however, she concludes that these factors do not fully explain social unrest and that therefore other variables should be taken into account. It only states that there is a relationship between the number of children and the degree of discomfort of the buildings and maintains that the greater the number of children, the less noticeable the effect of the building is. Coleman also mentions the preventive measures that he considers should be adopted, rejecting the construction of large apartment blocks and advocating the construction of smaller but spacious homes such as terraced houses. Regarding the possible criticism that he could receive in relation to cost and space, he affirms that these are myths and that the reason why apartment blocks are built is more related to the desire of architects and planners.

• - Hostile architecture.

• - Crime prevention.

• - Reinforcement of security.

• - Urban vitality.

• - International Association for CPTED.

• - European association to make crime more difficult with design.

• - Campbell Collaboration. (2017). Police actions in hot spots are effective in reducing crime. Oslo: Campbell Collaboration.

• - Stichting Veilig Ontwerp in Beheer (Holland).

• - California Association to Make Crime Difficult with Design Archived May 29, 2013 at the Wayback Machine.

• - Crime Prevention and the Built Environment Archived September 26, 2009 at the Wayback Machine.

• - CPTED Annotated Bibliography Washington State University.

• - Creating a defensible space Oscar Newman.

• - Linkedin CPTED discussion group.

• - SmartCode module on CPTED.

• - http://repositorio.gobiernolocal.es/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10873/859/claves06_13_van.pdf?sequence=1#:~:text=La%20teor%C3%ADa%20de%20la%20prevenci%C3%B3n,manera%20que%20hubiera%20menos%20delitos.

El término "prevención de la delincuencia mediante el urbanismo" fue originalmente acuñado y formulado por el criminólogo C. Ray Jeffery. Un planteamiento más limitado, denominado espacio defendible, fue desarrollado al mismo tiempo por el arquitecto Oscar Newman. Ambos se apoyaron en el trabajo previo de Elizabeth Madera, Jane Jacobs y Schlomo Angel. El libro de Jeffery, "Prevención de la delincuencia mediante el diseño del entorno" se publicó en 1971, pero su trabajo no se tuvo en cuenta durante la década que comenzó ese año. Por su parte el libro de Newman, "Espacio defendible: prevención de la delincuencia mediante el diseño urbano" se publicó en 1972. Sus principios fueron ampliamente adoptados pero con éxitos y fracasos. El planteamiento de espacio defendible fue posteriormente revisado con ideas basadas en la CPTED. Newman representó esto como CPTED y reconoció a Jeffery como padre del término. El espacio defendible de Newman así mejorado tuvo mucho éxito y resultó en una reconsideración del trabajo de Jeffery, quien además continuó ampliando los aspectos multidisciplinares del planteamiento. Fue publicando estos avances hasta 1990. El modelo de Jeffery es más amplio que el Newman, que se limita al entorno construido. Posteriormente se desarrollaron otros modelos de CPTED basados en el de Newman. De ellos el más popular es el del criminólogo Tim Crowe.

Hacia 2004 generalmente se entendía la CPTED como estrictamente referida a los modelos Newman/Crowe, con el modelo Jeffery empleado más bien como un planteamiento multidisciplinar de prevención de la delincuencia que incorporaba la biología y la psicología, situación que incluso el propio Jeffery aceptó. (Robinson, 1996). Una revisión de la CPTED, iniciada en 1997 y denomina CPTED de segunda generación, adapta la CPTED a la individualidad del infractor, indicación suplementaria de que el trabajo de Jeffery ya no se considera generalmente una parte de la CPTED. En 2012 Woodbridge introdujo y desarrolló la CPTED para cárceles. Demostró que fallos de diseño permiten a los delincuentes continuar delinquiendo.

1961-1970

In this decade Elizabeth Madera developed guidelines to address citizen safety issues while working with the Chicago Housing Authority, emphasizing design features that favored natural surveillance of the environment. Their guidelines were never implemented, but they did generate the new ideas that led to CPTED.

Jane Jacobs' book The Life and Death of Great American Cities (1961) argued that urban vitality and diversity were being destroyed by urban planners and their urban renewal plans. He thus challenged the axioms of urban planning of the time: that neighborhoods should be isolated from each other; that an empty street is safer than a full one; and that the car represents a progress over the pedestrian. Jacobs was editor of the magazine Foro Arquitectónico from 1952 to 1964. She had not received specific training in urban planning, but her work emerged as the foundation of a new way of seeing cities. He sensed that the way cities were being designed made their inhabitants incapable of self-regulation. He noted that new forms of urban design undermined many of the traditional controls on criminal behavior, for example, the ability of residents to observe the street and the presence of people using the street both day and night. Jacobs suggested that the lack of "natural surveillance" in the environment encouraged crime. He developed the idea that crime increases when people do not interact with their neighbors, or only do so superficially. In Life and Death..., Jacobs defined the 3 attributes necessary to make a street safe: clear demarcation of public and private spaces; diversity of uses; and many pedestrians on the sidewalks.

Schlomo Angel was a CPTED pioneer who had the notable urban planner Christopher Alexander as a teacher. Angel's doctoral thesis, Deterring Crime Through Urbanism, (1968) was a study of street crime in Oakland, California (Oakland, California). In this thesis he states "The physical environment can exert a direct influence on crime frameworks by delineating territories, reducing or increasing accessibility through the creation or elimination of borders and circulation networks, and by facilitating surveillance by citizens and police." He also claims that crime was inversely proportional to the level of activity on the street, and that the commercial area of ​​the city was particularly vulnerable to crime because it reduced activity, making it easier for an individual to commit street crimes. Angel developed and published CPTED concepts in 1970 in works supported and widely distributed by the United States Department of Justice (Luedtke, 1970).

1971-1980

C. Ray Jeffery, a criminologist at the University of Florida, began using the term "crime prevention through urban planning" (CPTED). The denomination gained followers after the publication in 1971 of his book with that title.

Jeffery's work was based on the precepts of experimental psychology contained in modern learning theory (Jeffery and Zahm, 1993:329). Jeffery's concept of CPTED arose from his experiences with an architectural rehabilitation project in Washington, D.C., which attempted to control the school environment for local youth. Deeply rooted in Burrhus Frederic Skinner's learning theory, Jeffery's CPTED approach emphasized the role of the environment in developing pleasurable and painful experiences for the offender that could alter the outcomes of his behavior. His initial CPTED model was stimulus-response: the organism learned from punishments and reinforcements in the environment. Jeffery “emphasized material rewards…and the use of the environment to control behavior” (Jeffery and Zahm, 1993:330). The main idea was that if the reinforcements to crime were eliminated, it would not occur.

A contribution of this book by Jeffery that has been little taken into account is the extraction of 4 critical factors for preventing crimes that have stood the test of time:.

1. • The degrees to which the opportunity for the crime to be committed can be manipulated.

2. • The motivation of the offender.

3. • The risk for the criminal if he acts.

4. • The history of the person who is considering whether or not to commit the crime.

The first 3 are susceptible to control by the potential victim, while the last is not.

For reasons that have received little attention, Jeffery's work went unheeded during this decade. The author's own explanation is that, at a time when the world wanted prescriptive design solutions, his work offered a broad theory and used it to identify a wide range of crime prevention functions that should guide design and management standards.

Concurrent with Jeffery's largely theoretical work, earlier this decade Oscar Newman and George Rand conducted an empirical study on the connection between crime and environment. As an architect, Newman highlighted specific features of the design that Jeffery had not noticed. Newman's book Defensible Space: Crime Prevention through Urbanism (1972) contains an extensive treatment of crime related to housing layout based on analysis of crime data from the New York Housing Agency. This book changed the nature of crime prevention and urban design: within 2 years of its publication, substantial federal funds were allocated to study and demonstrate the concepts of "defensible space."

1981-1990

In this decade it was observed that defensible space prescriptions were effective sometimes and not others. They worked best in residential settings, especially if residents were relatively free to respond to cues to increase social interaction. In contrast, in institutional and commercial settings, they were only marginally effective. As a result, Newman and others promoted the improvement of this theory by adding CPTED features. They also downplayed the less effective aspects of defensible space. Contributions to the advancement of CPTED in this decade include:

• - The broken windows theory, postulated by James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling in 1982, explored the behavioral impact of visible deterioration and neglect in neighborhoods. The proper maintenance of buildings was added as a CPTED strategy to surveillance, access control and territoriality. This theory can go hand in hand with CPTED: neglected or abandoned areas attract crime. The CPTED adds a sense of pride for the owners. If there are no more "broken windows" in certain neighborhoods, crime will continue to decrease and eventually disappear.

• - Canadian academics Patricia and Paul Brantingham published Environmental Criminology in 1981. According to the authors, crime takes place when all the essential elements are present: a law, a criminal, an objective and a place. They call them "the 4 dimensions of crime", and their environmental criminology studies precisely the last one.

• - British criminologists Ronald Clark and Patricia Mayhew developed their "situational crime prevention": it is about reducing the opportunity to commit crimes by improving the design and management of the environment.

• - Criminologist Timothy Crowe developed his training programs at CPTED.

• - Criminology: an interdisciplinary approach (1990) was Jeffery's final contribution to CPTED. His model evolved to assume that “The environment never directly influences behavior, but only through the brain. “Any crime prevention model must include both the brain and the environment.” As Jeffery's current model is based on many fields, such as the knowledge of the brain provided by modern neurology, focusing only on the external environment is inadequate and neglects an entire dimension of CPTED, that is, the internal environment. (Robinson, 1996).

1991-2000

The book Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (1991), by criminologist Tim Crowe, provided a solid foundation for CPTED moving forward for the rest of this decade.

From 1994 to 2002, the Sparta Consulting Corporation, led by Severin Sorensen, managed the largest CPTED training and technical assistance program in public housing with the CPP certificate, funded by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development. During this period Sorensen worked with Ronald V. Clarke and the Sparta team to develop a new CPTED "Curriculum (Education)" curriculum that used situational crime prevention as the theoretical basis for CPTED measures. This curriculum was developed and actors in the social housing environment were trained in it. CPTED follow-up assessments were subsequently carried out on several buildings. Sparta-led CPTED projects showed reductions between 17 and 76 percent of reported FBI UCR Part I crimes, depending on the set of CPTED measures applied in high-crime, low-income U.S. neighborhoods.

In 1996 Oscar Newman published an update of his CPTED work, titled Creating a Defensible Space, Institute for the Analysis of Community Design, Planning and Development Research Agency of the US department mentioned in the previous paragraph.

In 1997 an article by Greg Saville and Gerry Cleveland The second generation of CPTED urged those who applied these measures to take into account their origins in social ecology, considering psychological and social aspects beyond urban planning.

2001-2010

By 2004 the elements of CPTED had achieved wide international acceptance due to attempts to include them in laws. The term CPTED "environment" is commonly used to refer to the external environment of the site. Jeffery's intention that it also refer to the internal environment of the offender seems to have been lost, even among those who promoted, under the banner "second generation CPTED" that CPTED also encompass social ecology and psychology.

2011 onwards

In 2012 Woodbridge introduced and developed the concept of CPTED in the prison environment, a place where inmates continue to commit crimes after being convicted. Jeffery's understanding of the offender's mind in his study of a halfway house forty years earlier was now being used to reduce crime in those same types of facilities. Woodbridge showed how prison design allowed crime to continue, and introduced changes to reduce crime.

Las estrategias CPTED son tanto más eficaces cuantas menos molestias causan a las personas honradas y cuando el diseño CPTED se basa en los esfuerzos combinados de diseñadores ambientales, administradores, activistas y fuerzas del orden. Las estrategias enumeradas no pueden llevarse a cabo sin la ayuda de la comunidad, y hace falta que toda ella se esfuerce en lograr un lugar más seguro donde vivir. Un metaanálisis de iniciativas CPTED de múltiples componentes en los EE. UU. ha hallado que han contribuido a disminuir los robos entre el 30 y el 84 % (Casteel and Peek-Asa, 2000).[2]​[3]​.

En términos de eficacia, un nombre más exacto para la estrategia sería disuasión de la delincuencia mediante el urbanismo. La investigación demuestra que la CPTED no impide literalmente delinquir. La CPTED se basa en cambios en el entorno físico que harán tomar al posible delincuente decisiones conductuales. Estos cambios están diseñados para animar un determinado comportamiento, y por tanto, más que impedir, disuaden.

Además de que un análisis de costo-efectividad de la CPTED para reducir la delincuencia arroja resultados favorables, la CPTED reduce los costes globales de prevenir los delitos. Reformar un entorno existente para satisfacer los requisitos de la CPTED puede ser caro a veces (si deben abrirse nuevas ventanas, cambiar el lugar a donde dan o modificar los puntos de acceso o los aparcamientos), pero cuando se incorpora la CPTED en la fase de diseño, resulta más barato que los planteamientos tradicionales. Los costes operativos también son a menudo inferiores, porque la iluminación CPTED utiliza significativamente menos energía. Otro atractivo de la CPTED es que reduce la responsabilidad jurídica.

Parnaby Studio

This is a 2006 Canadian study in which 25 CPTED experts were interviewed. Many of those who receive CPTED certification are former police officers or security guards. This analysis by Parnaby questions the CPTED principles for their somewhat simplistic assumptions. The research found that CPTED professionals were constantly influenced by the notion of "foreseeable danger": if an environment suffered from an unsafe area or identifiable faults that were not fixed, this would inevitably lead to crime.

• - Firstly, CPTED professionals see the causes of crime unidimensionally, because they use certainty approaches ("if a window is left open, a thief will enter") when probability approaches are more correct ("if a window is left open, there is a greater danger of a thief entering"). They thus think that it is poorly designed environments that cause crime. CPTED could then lead to neglecting other forms of crime prevention (such as care for disadvantaged families).

• - Secondly, thinking like this divides people into 2 groups: criminals and responsible citizens. The separation between "good" and "bad" people, according to Parnaby, is probably established through social stereotypes based on what people think of race, socioeconomic status, and gender, thus not adequately defining who or what is a genuine threat. The result is that certain people are excluded from certain neighborhoods.

• - Finally, Parnaby addresses the ways in which CPTED professionals induce their clients to be active participants. They make it appear that risk management is an individual's moral and civic responsibility. The problem is that this view morphs into that governments do not have the resources to fully manage the risk of crime, so personal safety is also an individual responsibility. This can lead to the emergence of groups that take justice into their own hands.[4]​.

Criticisms of CPTED

The main argument against CPTED is that it does not effectively reduce crime. It is unknown, for example, whether those planning to commit or are committing a crime of passion would be deterred by a greater likelihood of being observed.[5] It has also been suggested that surveillance cameras do essentially the same job in a city as building community spaces where individuals feel observed.

CPTED measures have been blamed for ignoring the causes of crime and favoring dystopian scenarios, such as the creation of closed communities.[1]​ However, practically no one defends them as a sole preventive strategy, but rather combined with other strategies, whether police or social.[1]​.

En Europa también tuvieron influencia los enfoques de prevención de la delincuencia mediante la CPTED y recibían el nombre de enfoque situacional, prevención de la delincuencia mediante el espacio urbano y arquitectónico o la reducción de la delincuencia y el miedo a la delincuencia mediante la conservación de las ciudades. En concreto en la versión europea priman más lo valores que se centran en temas sociales y organizativos y van más allá del entorno físico, no obstante, también se aplicaron los principios del CPTED.

Crime and apartment blocks.

In Europe during the sixties and seventies, a series of publicly subsidized apartment blocks were built, such as the Rennbahnweb in Vienna or the Bijmermeer in Amsterdam. However, the rise of thinking related to crime prevention through environmental design in Europe meant that in the eighties and nineties of the 20th century, these apartment blocks were demolished, with the cost that this entailed, because it was considered that they could contribute to the appearance of crime.

Some of the reasons for the collapse of these buildings are based on the ideas contained in Alice Coleman's work called "Utopia on trial", also closely related to Newman's thinking about defensible space*.* In this work the geographer criticizes the blocks of flats through a fictitious trial in which she aims to demonstrate how this type of buildings are not adequate architecture and that other options should be chosen. Coleman bases her case on a study of three London areas. in which he includes two depressed areas of the center and a suburb and compares the design of these apartments with that of unplanned single-family residences before the war. Likewise, his work also contains six indicators of social unrest which he calls "incivility", graffiti, acts of vandalism, number of dependent children, garbage, urine and excrement. reference to crime and was attributed to a large number of homes. Alice Coleman establishes that the larger and more accessible a building was, the more indicators of social unrest would appear, however, she concludes that these factors do not fully explain social unrest and that therefore other variables should be taken into account. It only states that there is a relationship between the number of children and the degree of discomfort of the buildings and maintains that the greater the number of children, the less noticeable the effect of the building is. Coleman also mentions the preventive measures that he considers should be adopted, rejecting the construction of large apartment blocks and advocating the construction of smaller but spacious homes such as terraced houses. Regarding the possible criticism that he could receive in relation to cost and space, he affirms that these are myths and that the reason why apartment blocks are built is more related to the desire of architects and planners.

• - Hostile architecture.

• - Crime prevention.

• - Reinforcement of security.

• - Urban vitality.

• - International Association for CPTED.

• - European association to make crime more difficult with design.

• - Campbell Collaboration. (2017). Police actions in hot spots are effective in reducing crime. Oslo: Campbell Collaboration.

• - Stichting Veilig Ontwerp in Beheer (Holland).

• - California Association to Make Crime Difficult with Design Archived May 29, 2013 at the Wayback Machine.

• - Crime Prevention and the Built Environment Archived September 26, 2009 at the Wayback Machine.

• - CPTED Annotated Bibliography Washington State University.

• - Creating a defensible space Oscar Newman.

• - Linkedin CPTED discussion group.

• - SmartCode module on CPTED.

• - http://repositorio.gobiernolocal.es/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10873/859/claves06_13_van.pdf?sequence=1#:~:text=La%20teor%C3%ADa%20de%20la%20prevenci%C3%B3n,manera%20que%20hubiera%20menos%20delitos.