Many urban planning projects were put on hold during the Second World War, and even in the early 1950s the Swedish housing standard was one of the lowest in Europe. After the war there arose a pressing need to realize the ideals of the "Folkhemmet" ("people's house") and modernist urbanism. The period between 1945 and 1960 is known as the "period of popular housing". (folkhemsperioden), during which some 900,000 homes were built in Sweden.[51] The architecture and construction of Swedish folk housing also attracted attention abroad and was the first time that foreign architects were inspired on a large scale by Swedish architecture. Until then, Swedish architects of almost all periods looked abroad for inspiration. concept of "neighborhood unit" (grannskapsenhet) in general urban planning, while at the same time having social and political pretensions.
The post-war boom years (known as the "record years": rekordåren), during which the Swedish export industry experienced a long period of prosperity, provided the country with the necessary economic conditions to finance the projects. In 1945, the Stockholm City Council decided, at the initiative of Yngve Larsson"), the city's mayor, to launch the redevelopment of Norrmalm"). modern times and a large part of the country's architectural elite participated. The redevelopment of Norrmalm made possible the expansion of the metro, which lasted for a long time and ended up generating growing citizen protest. The "elm conflict" of 1971 (Almstriden)[52] is often cited as the turning point of the redevelopment of Norrmalm, and from that moment on it was no longer politically viable to carry out. more important transformations in the central areas of the city, given that the concept of "careful remodeling" was imposed that did not require major planning modifications.[53].
Sven Markelius, as director of urban planning for Stockholm between 1944 and 1954, was responsible for designing and directing the projects for Stockholm's new satellite cities. The inspiration came again from abroad and from English neighborhood planning, with its concept of Community Centre, in which small residential areas were grouped around a large urban center equipped with municipal and commercial services. This idea was first applied to the south of Stockholm, where Markelius commissioned the architect David Helldén" to draw up an urban plan for Södra Hammarby, which was later called Björkhagen"). However, the most important project was located north of the city, along Lake Mälaren, and was called Vällingby Group. The residential neighborhoods were arranged along the new metro line (the current Green Line) like a string of pearls, separated from each other by green spaces. The centerpiece of this planning was Vällingby, with Vällingby centrum"), which attracted great international attention and became the paradigm of public housing construction.
In Gothenburg, Tage William-Olsson") was head of urban planning between 1943 and 1953, succeeding Uno Åhrén, who had held the position since 1932. William-Olsson, one of the architects of the emblematic Slussen project in Stockholm, had submitted several elaborate proposals for the redesign of Nedre Norrmalm"), but none of them were carried out. In Gothenburg he devoted himself above all to the housing issue. He planned new neighborhoods and developed new housing typologies. Over ten years, he planned areas for 34,000 homes, such as Bagaregården") (1944), Tolered") (1946), Kungsladugård") (1947), Södra Guldheden") (1948) and Kortedala") (1952).[54]
Not all projects had clearly modernist elements. Sven Backström") and his partner Leif Reinius") transformed the rigid plans into playful variants. Its "star house" areas (stjärnhusen) were built in Gröndal in Stockholm (1944-1962) and, above all, in Rosta in Örebro (1947-1951). Örebro, in particular, was considered a "model city", and the city's strongman, Harald Aronsson, led housing policy in the 1950s and 1960s as a councillor. The Rosta and Baronbackarna buildings by Backström & Reinius, designed by architects White (1953-57), are the best known of the large housing estates in Örebro, with 1,340 and 1,230 apartments respectively. This was an order of magnitude unusual in Sweden.[55].
Smaller areas were built in Malmö, such as Augustenborg (1948-1952), with Gunnar Lindman"), the city planner, as the driving force. Similarly, Årsta centrum, in the Årsta") district of Stockholm, was small in scale. The urban plan for Årsta centrum was drawn up in 1940 by the architect and director of Svenska Riksbyggen"), Uno Åhrén. The buildings were designed by architects Erik and Tore Ahlsén").[56].
In 1947, the government commission on social housing addressed, among other issues, the reorganization of urban centers. The prevailing attitude was that buildings "suitable for rehabilitation" should be demolished to make way for new buildings. Several cities undertook extensive operations to demolish old buildings and their urban centers were transformed at the expense of identity and historical roots. In addition, the Urban Planning Law of 1931 and the building regulations had caused the deterioration of the real estate stock.[57].
At the end of the 1950s, many people looked forward to the advances and transformations that were to come.[58] In rural Swedish cities, the municipal architect himself was usually in charge of the design of the new urban area. The results sometimes showed a certain lack of definition in the design of the volumes and details.[59].
Sweden's rural towns also found it difficult to cope with the growing flow of private cars. The construction of ring roads freed the central neighborhoods from through traffic. New buildings for shopping centers such as Domus, Tempo and EPA, followed by community services such as a liquor store and a pharmacy along a new pedestrian street, characterize the central areas of many small Swedish towns. När Domus kom till stan ("When the Domus came to town") is a 2004 documentary by Anders Wahlgren) that analyzes from a critical perspective the transformation of 14 Swedish cities and which represented "one of the largest urban transformations in Sweden of all time".[60].
Photographer and journalist Jeppe Wikström") paints a more conciliatory picture of the urban transformations that took place in the 1950s and 1960s. The author opens his 2002 book, Tråkiga vykort ("Boring Postcards"), with these words: "The war was over, the economy was booming, and many small communities were trying to gain a bit of continental shine. A new skyscraper, a new Konsum store, a road crossing, a factory or a guarded railway crossing were proof that they were opening up to the world." Everything new deserved to be represented on color postcards. Thus, Umeå proudly showed off its new pedestrian street and Boden") its new crossing. But unlike Stockholm, for example, its only historic center was razed. The historic center of Stockholm, Gamla Stan, was not affected by any demolition, although there were numerous attempts to redevelop it.[61].
As part of the redevelopment of Norrmalm in Stockholm, a large number of buildings located in the lower part of Norrmalm (Nedre Norrmalm) were demolished. According to one report, 700 buildings were demolished, including several of great cultural and historical value, such as Sagerska husen, the Sidenhuset and the Blancheteatern, despite strong protests against it. The project has been subject criticism and admiration both in Sweden and abroad, and several of the buildings built as a result of the Norrmalm plan are now classified as assets of public interest").[62]
Demolitions occurred in many parts of Sweden. In 1964, Gothenburg led the country's demolition efforts. Unlike Stockholm, where these had already been carried out since the beginning of the century to solve, among other things, traffic problems, in Gothenburg they affected residential areas outside the city center. To cope with this task, in 1960 the rehabilitation company "Göta Lejon" was established, in which the city council and the business sector participated equally. Looking at the total number of demolitions in Gothenburg between 1959 and 1974, it can be said that approximately the same number of apartments were demolished in both cities. In proportion to the population, approximately twice as many demolitions occurred in Gothenburg. During this wave of demolitions, many of the famous "governor's houses" (landshövdingehus) disappeared from the city.[63]
New expressions were coined: "demolition hysteria" (rivningshysteri) and "demolition frenzy" (rivningsraseri). A paradox, since no one who had organized or carried out the demolitions was "furious" or "hysterical"; These had been carried out "in good faith" and, when the demolitions occurred, protests were initially few. Optimism in the face of progress continued to prevail and the social order was such that the decisions of politicians and experts were rarely questioned. Those who resisted were told that they did not understand what was best for them.[58]
The turning point in public opinion towards a more critical and oppositional attitude towards government decisions occurred with the so-called "elm conflict" (Almstriden), which occurred in 1971 in Kungsträdgården (Stockholm). The city's politicians perceived this new attitude and it had its consequences: the urban renewal plan City 67 was canceled and replaced by Cityplan 1977. It established new, more moderate guidelines, which translated into: "The rehabilitation will be carried out without substantial alterations to the neighborhoods and the road network and it is assumed that it will be carried out in a private environment, except in cases in which the execution of the plan in an area must be carried out in a coherent manner." Today, the term "demolition hysteria/frenzy" is synonymous with the exercise of authority over unjustified demolitions. An example in which the term "demolition frenzy" was used again was in 2009 on the occasion of the planned expansion of the Stockholm Public Library, which was paralyzed.[64].
Almost at the same time that the 1977 urban plan came into force, a period whose name, the Miljonprogrammet, would be adopted much later, ended. It was never a government program,[66][67] but rather a calculation, prepared by the media, of the number of homes built between 1965 and 1974. The buildings built in these ten years currently represent around 25% of Sweden's housing stock and can be considered a symbol of the welfare society.[68].
The record years spanned the entire country. Some of the best-known areas are Skärholmen") and Tensta in Stockholm, Hammarkullen") in Gothenburg and Rosengård in Malmö. Between 1965 and 1974, a total of about 940,000 homes were built,[69] of which 350,000 corresponded to single-family homes, 310,000 in urban areas and 40,000 in rural areas, and a total of more than 590,000 homes in apartment blocks, of which just under 390,000 in urban areas and more of 200,000 in rural areas.[70].
The so-called Million Program period has been associated with high-rise buildings built with prefabricated concrete elements, although concrete in the facades was only used in the final phase and a third of the housing construction consisted of single-family houses, such as those in Kälvesta"), in the northwest of Stockholm. In this area, facades with plaster, wood and brick finishes are found and much of the original vegetation is preserved. Kälvesta can be called a "horizontal program zone million" with about 2,000 single-family homes. The urban plan was designed in collaboration with the architectural studio Höjer & Ljungqvist, which planned the construction of row and semi-detached homes. The first houses were built in 1966 and the works continued until the mid-1970s.[71] More than 4,500 people in semi-detached houses, row houses and independent chalets. Most of the homes were built as semi-detached houses with 4 bedrooms and a kitchen.[72].
At the end of the 1960s, around thirty public housing companies indicated that they were beginning to have difficulties renting, especially large apartments.[73] Among politicians, planners and construction companies, the first signs of concern began to appear about the magnitude of the hundreds of municipal construction programs that were going to be carried out in 1972, the year in which an environmental march was organized that brought together more than 100,000 participants against the "Regionplan 70" of Stockholm. In addition, the economy experienced a setback, the oil crisis raised gasoline prices and the population of large cities decreased. The baby boom that had occurred since 1965 faded, ending in 1975. The "green wave" contributed to some young families leaving the cities.
Criticism was also heard in the media, such as the one published by Dagens Nyheter on September 10, 1968 with the title "Riv Skärholmen!" ("Tear down Skärholmen!"). It happened two days after Prince Bertil inaugurated Skärholmen Centrum") with great pomp and pageantry. The newspaper article said, among other things: "The skyline of Skärholmen is the backdrop to one of the most dehumanized suburban centers ever built, a late import of American urban planning from the late 1940s, already obsolete at that time."[74] The article triggered the called Skärholmen debate.
Before long, the housing shortage turned into a surplus of empty apartments. In the first half of the 1970s, the number of empty apartments increased, and the problem was no longer limited to certain locations or certain apartment sizes. A similar trend was seen in many European cities.[75] In response to the rise of multi-family housing at that time, the proportion of newly built single-family homes increased from approximately one-third to three-quarters (1977) of the total housing stock built. However, housing construction as a whole contracted, and consequently, employment in this sector also decreased. This caused high unemployment among the construction and architecture professions.
The record years led to Sweden having one of the highest housing standards in the world in 25 years.[75] However, the period was subject to criticism from the beginning, as the new peripheries of large cities, in particular, were popularly described as "newly built suburbs", with a total of 40,000 apartments left empty when the record years ended. It was not until the 1990s when a more balanced scenario emerged, with initiatives for partial demolition, rehabilitation and regeneration of disadvantaged areas in which the segregation of the population was evident.[76].