The oldest policy with which this concept can be related emerged in 1948, with the recognition of the right to food by the UN in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of that year signed in Paris. There, it is described as "the right of every man, woman or child, whether alone or in common with others, to have physical and economic access, at all times, to adequate food or the means to obtain it in ways consistent with human dignity."

Later, in 1974, the concept of food security emerged strongly, which was taken by international organizations such as the FAO and the WTO to base their agreements on agriculture. In contrast, the concept of food sovereignty did not exist as such until 1996. In that year, the young organization Vía Campesina, only 3 years old at the time, mentioned it for the first time in the Tlaxcala Declaration[7]​ in 1996. In that same year, this concept was brought to the UN, within the World Forum for Food Security that was organized in parallel to the World Food Summit,[8]​ there for the first time it became relevant. internationally.

That same year, the Food Sovereignty Movement was created, which led to the creation of the International Planning Committee for Food Sovereignty,[9]​ which began to have more influence on international decisions.

This topic was taken up again in June 2002, at the FAO NGO forum. In it, both Vía Campesina and other NGOs that share its anti-capitalist position denounced that the policies they call neoliberal would be incompatible with this concept, since they understand that they prioritize international trade even before feeding the people, which in their opinion would increase the people's dependence on imports and strengthen the industrialization of agriculture, severely damaging the environment and the health of the populations. These NGOs maintain that the policies promoted by the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO only favor the interests of multinational and transnational companies. They cite as an example the international, regional or bilateral agreements of the WTO that allow companies to monopolize the market.

There are three other global events that brought together different social movements (such as the urban poor, environmental groups, consumer groups, women's associations, fishermen, pastors) to advance the development and installation of this concept:

• - World Forum for Food Sovereignty in Havana held in August 2001.

• - NGO Forums for Food Sovereignty held in 2002 and 2009 in Rome.

• - International Forum on Food Sovereignty named Nyéléni Declaration[10]​ held in February 2007 in Mali.

To commemorate this struggle, the organization Vía Campesina proposed October 16 as the International Day of People's Food Sovereignty.[11]​.

Supporters of the concept of food sovereignty propose a framework for the governance of agricultural and food policies that incorporates a wide series of issues, such as agrarian reform through the expropriation of land (there may or may not be some compensation mechanism for the former owners, depending on each promoter of these measures) or through negotiated acquisition; state control and intervention of local markets; the promotion of biodiversity; credit to small agricultural producers and other measures related to the ability to produce food locally.

It covers policies referring not only to localizing control of production and markets, but also to promoting the right to food, access and control of peoples to land, water and genetic resources, and the promotion of environmentally sustainable use of production.

In February 2007, the Forum for Food Sovereignty took place in Nyéléni (Mali), organized by La Vía Campesina and the World March of Women. Its objective, in the words of the activist and participant in the Forum Esther Vivas, was: “to carry out a strategic debate on what social movements understand by food sovereignty, what specific proposals are claimed and how to carry them out.”[12]​.

The Nyéléni Declaration, Selingue, Mali 2007, stipulates the following:.

At the Nyéléni Forum, the links between the food sovereignty movement and the feminist movement were also emphasized, due to the central role that, in the opinion of its organizers, women would play in the rural world. The feminist journalist and writer Esther Vivas noted at that time that "Women had a central role as promoters and participants in the event. One day before the start of the forum, a meeting promoted by the World March of Women was held in the same venue with two specific objectives: to share women's opinions on food sovereignty and to establish joint contributions to the forum. The gathered women reclaimed the myth of Nyéléni, a Malian peasant woman who fought to assert herself as woman in an unfavorable environment. In fact, the Forum for Food Sovereignty received the nickname Nyéléni in homage to this legend”.[10]​.

Food Sovereignty is committed to including women, their needs and the demands that allow them to develop their capacities in agricultural and food production, (Murias, 2009),[13] seeking to integrate women transversally in the production of varied, nutritious and healthy foods and promoting recognition of productive work and care work. (Motta et al, 2023).[14]​ Promotes new fair and equitable human relationships between humans and the environment to ensure sustainability.

The concept received numerous criticisms in the academic field, criticisms that are directed at different budgets. It has been said, for example, that the entire concept is based on a homogeneous discourse about peasants, ignoring their diversity and internal differences (gender, class, geographical location). According to academic Henry Bernstein, this vision ends up being an “agrarian populism” that resists criticizing internal dynamics and simplifies rural reality, romanticizing the figure of the small farmer or traditional methods, without taking into account:

•The real subsistence difficulties of many farmers.

• That some modern technologies (such as certain GMOs or technical irrigation) can improve yields and reduce hunger.

Bernstein summarizes his position in the analysis of the very concept of Food Sovereignty. In it, and beyond the formulation of its creators, it identifies three elements: (1) a comprehensive attack on corporate industrialized agriculture and its ecological consequences in the current moment of globalization, (2) the defense of the "Vía Campesina" as the basis of a sustainable and socially just food system, and (3) a program to achieve that world-historic objective. He summarizes his own position by saying: “While I share some of the concerns of (1), I am skeptical about (2) due to how Food Sovereignty conceives of "peasants" and the claim by some of its main proponents that small producers practicing agroecological agriculture, understood as low (external) input and labor intensive, can feed the world. This leads me to think that Food Sovereignty is incapable of building a feasible program (3) to connect the activities of small farmers with the food needs of non-farmers, whose number is growing both in absolute terms and as a proportion of the world population.”.[15]​

On the other hand, food sovereignty, by emphasizing the priority of national/local production for food supply, can lead to the implementation of policies that:

· Favor national producers over foreign ones.

· Impose barriers to food imports.

· Reject free trade agreements that liberalize agricultural markets.

· Limit dependence on international trade to guarantee access to food.

This is seen, by some critics, as a disguised form of protectionism.

Professor Robert Paarlberg in “Starved for Science”[16]​ argues that closing off commerce and prioritizing exclusively local products can reduce efficiency, raise prices and reduce the available supply.

On the other hand, when a country limits imports to favor its local production, it can have negative consequences:

· Internal prices rise if local production does not cover demand.

· Access to certain foods that are not produced locally is difficult.

· Vulnerable populations may be affected by lower availability or higher cost.

Paarlberg emphasizes the case of countries with low agricultural capacity, such as some in North Africa or the Middle East, pointing out that in them total food self-sufficiency is impossible. Going for the global implementation of policies based on this concept would imply in those places restricting access to imported basic foods, to the detriment of the population.

Furthermore, Paarlberg criticizes the idea, present in food sovereignty, that traditional agricultural methods, without biotechnology or modern inputs, are sufficient or even desirable. Paarlberg questions this as a dogmatic position, driven by urban values ​​typical of rich northern countries, and completely alien to the rural needs of the global south. Thus, food sovereignty rejects, almost on principle, the use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). He points out that many NGOs and European governments promote this rejection in Africa, which blocks the transfer of modern agricultural technology, leaving that region isolated from repeating what Asia achieved with the Green Revolution.

Paalberg says this romanticizes subsistence farming, which in many African regions is extremely precarious, and condemns small farmers to remain trapped in poverty. He argues that international trade and scientific cooperation can and should be part of the solution. In his analysis, closing oneself to foreign commerce or science is not emancipation, but self-inflicted isolation.

Agricultural economist Sophia Murphy, together with Kim Burnett, address the ambiguity and strategic omissions of the concept of food sovereignty, especially with regard to its stance on international trade and its viability for small producers who depend on exports for their income and food security. Requiring them to abruptly shift toward self-consumption production, they argue, could make them even more vulnerable. This leads to pointing out a contradiction in the approach: although the concept of food sovereignty seeks justice, poorly implemented it can reinforce global inequalities. This would happen if rich countries applied the same Food Sovereignty program and, under it, closed their markets to agricultural products from the south. Likewise, they criticize the simplistic vision where the local is privileged without considering that international trade, well regulated, can be a lever to improve the living conditions of these small producers. For Murphy and Burnett, the food sovereignty movement should articulate a more concrete position on international trade. Instead of the rather exclusionary approach (as often reflected in their marches with the slogan "WTO out of agriculture"), they propose considering how to change the rules of trade (for example, in the WTO) to favor broader and more sustainable food sovereignty. [17]​.

Argentina

Argentina is a country that, according to various statistics, such as National Nutrition and Health surveys and FAO food balances, does not have problems in terms of food and nutritional availability; it presents a dietary pattern similar to developed countries. However, there are social sectors that suffer from malnutrition and hunger attributed to existing problems related to access (price of food and job insecurity), food consumption and biological use (dietary pattern).

Among the health problems related to the nutritional status of children under 5 years of age, iron deficiency anemia, short stature, overweight (observed in children with unsatisfied basic needs) and possible Vitamin A deficiency can be found predominantly.[4]​.

As part of the National Food Security Plan of 2003, within the framework of Law 25,724, the aim is to guarantee the most vulnerable families in the country access to adequate food in accordance with the different food identities existing in the Argentine territory.[18]​.

During 2020, the Argentina Against Hunger plan was put into action, in order to continue working and strengthening the theme.[19]​ However, it turned out to be a failure,[20][21][22]​ and in 2022 it formally ceased to exist.

Among the main lines of action are:[23]​.

Feed Card.

Instrument with a reach of around 4,000,000 people, granted in order to promote or facilitate access to the Basic Food Basket. With it you can buy any type of food in any business in the country that has posnet, with the exception of alcoholic beverages.[23]​.

ProHuerta.

On August 3, 1990, six years before the concept of "Food Sovereignty" was created, the Board of Directors of INTA approved the Integrated Project “Promotion of Food Self-Production (ProHuerta)”. Through the promotion of agroecological orchards and farms, technical assistance, training, food education, environmental education, the strengthening of productive projects and access to water and the support of marketing with nearby markets and fairs, for more than 30 years the program promoted access to healthy foods and supported agroecological production, which caused some supporters of Food Sovereignty to interpret it as a precedent for their postulates.[24] It lasted. until April 2024, when the Ministry of Human Development discontinues the financing of the program, generating its definitive closure.[25]​ The negative effects of this decision that affects food sovereignty were expressed from different sectors.[26]​ [25]​

Strengthening Picnic Areas and Community and School Canteens.

It occurs from a community approach to the problem, improving services in state management institutions.[23]​.

Assistance to families.

Through the delivery of food modules or provision of food cards, focusing on indigenous populations, people with celiac disease and specific groups in situations of food insecurity (pregnant women, children under 14, adolescents, the disabled, older adults without social coverage).[23]​.

From the dissemination and approach of relevant information through nutritional food education, with the aim of promoting a healthy, nutritious and varied diet.[23]​.

Bolivia

The technological change driven by the green revolution in Bolivia in the 1950s and later with genetic engineering and the introduction of GMOs in the 1990s, have influenced the technology and agricultural production processes of indigenous indigenous peasant communities and in some way have modified their ancestral knowledge regarding food security and sovereignty and therefore their ability to produce natural, high-quality foods for their own consumption.[27]​.

Today Bolivia produces foods that it previously imported (mainly liquid fats and dairy products); but now it depends on wheat and its derivative (flour). On the other hand, imports of other products increased, according to the Center for Research and Promotion of Peasants (Cipca), between 2000 and 2016, imports of potatoes, tomatoes, apples, cherimoyas and onions increased drastically. This situation represents a challenge for the future because there is increasing dependence on external inputs and technologies. An aspect to highlight in relation to food sovereignty is that ancestral storage systems such as pirwas, kayros, colkas and others are being revalued.[28] As for the indicators on food security, these have improved over time, since there is more production, more consumption, and population levels have improved, but there is still much to do since although there are important laws enacted in the last ten years, the lack of regulations and their vague execution have not allowed the implementation of programs and food security and sovereignty projects, a situation that is reflected in the data indicated by the World Hunger Map presented by the World Food Program, where it is stated that 20% of Bolivians do not have access to enough food.

National Institute of Agricultural and Forestry Innovation.

It is focused on resuming the role of the State in agricultural and forestry innovation, after more than a decade of leaving this role in the hands of private companies.

It is also oriented towards the revaluation of the ancestral knowledge of the original indigenous peasant nations as a basis for achieving food security and sovereignty, in addition to a comprehensive vision of development as an intermediate phase for “living well”, proposed in the political constitution of the State and at the international level as the alternative to the capitalist system.

Community Productive Revolution Law.

It consists of a series of measures, such as the creation of agricultural insurance to remedy the damages caused by natural phenomena as a result of climate change, in addition, the creation of state companies to produce seeds and fertilizers, the authorization to expand the production of transgenic foods in a "controlled" manner and the prohibition of genetic modifications in products coming from the country's territory.

.

Brazil

For many years, statistics revealed that more than 50 million Brazilians went hungry every day. This situation was partially resolved with the family-stock program, which served and continues to serve more than 11 million families, but despite the implementation of this program, the problem of hunger persists in the population. Currently around 60 million Brazilians do not eat adequately.[30]​.

On the other hand, Brazil became the world's largest consumer of pesticides, consuming no less than one million liters of them in the period between 2009/10, which gives an average of 6 liters per person. This implies that the population is being supplied with increasingly contaminated food.

For this reason, food security policies are important, since despite the existence of compensatory programs given by the government such as the 'Bolsa-familia', which contribute to the reduction of food insecurity of millions of people in poverty, they do not have to be confused with sovereignty policies since these programs are emergency actions to minimize the consequences that poverty has on food issues.

The consumer price index (IPCA), which measures the country's official inflation, advanced 2.44% in the 12 months until August (2020). Data released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) showed that rice is almost 20% more expensive compared to its price at the beginning of the year, also the price of feijão mulatinho (black beans) rose by 32.6%, abobrinha (zuchinni) by 46.8%, and onion by 50.4%.[31]​.

One of the causes of the increase in prices is that exports are more lucrative, since in terms of exchange a more expensive dollar stimulates exports since receiving them gives more profitability to producers and for this reason they prefer to produce for the external market.

At the same time, demand has increased from countries whose food chain was affected by weather conditions or by the shutdown due to the pandemic, and this increase raised the prices of consumer goods.

The way in which current industrial agriculture in Brazil relates to the environment is extremely exhausting and unsustainable.

The production and technological model used by agribusiness in Brazil seeks to control the supply of food products and agricultural systems, and has a high predisposition to permissiveness in the presence of foreign capital through agro-industrial agreements and mergers between national and foreign companies, leading to the undermining of initiatives favorable to national food sovereignty, even to allocate for land appropriation.

The standardization of food by transnational companies directly affects the eating habits and domestic practices of populations and how they provide their own food.

There is data that shows that agricultural crops are increasingly simplified and homogeneous, which leads to the impoverishment of soils, exaggerated use and waste of water, environmental pollution, weakening of native species and the degradation of natural reserves.

Colombia

In Colombia, just as inequality is seen in purchasing power, it is also seen in food issues, which can be extrapolated to the rest of the region. So there are problems, on the one hand, of obesity due to overeating, and on the other, problems of malnutrition, which do not always go hand in hand with the absence of food.

It is estimated for 2015 that, approximately, between 6 and 10% of children under 5 years of age are overweight, while for acute malnutrition the percentage is approximately 2.7% and 0.6%, discriminating according to the parents' educational level and without discriminating against sex, this being estimated with an index called low weight for height.

Chronic malnutrition is estimated with the short height-for-age index where it was found that only 2.3% of the population under 5 years of age was in the well-nourished range; however, these are general data and regional inequalities and population differences must be taken into account.

Like many American countries, Colombia is a multiethnic and pluricultural country, to which is added its great diversity in thermal floors and ecosystems, generating a differentiated need for each population, this without taking into account that more than 60 indigenous, co-official languages ​​are spoken in the territories in which they are spoken. So, depending on the region and the community, there are different food preferences, which depend on local geography, as well as regional adaptations to nationally available foods, such as rice, cassava, potatoes, and bananas. All of this highlights that the acquisition of data and, therefore, corrective measures, must be applied by regions and according to the needs of each population.

Since 2000, Colombia has had Dietary Guides[33]​ focused on the population over 2 years of age and with guides for the population under two years of age as well as for pregnant and breastfeeding mothers. These have the objective of guiding all actors in the food field regarding current and therefore dynamic needs in food issues, taking into account a preventive health approach and healthy lifestyle habits. Being dynamic, the function of updating it was given to the ICBF.

Officially, food sovereignty is seen from the point of view of access to healthy food for the entire population, taking into account the political, cultural, and geographical difficulties at the local and national level that this implies; There is a dichotomy between the position of entering global trade through international trade agreements, which on many occasions violate cultural practices in terms of, for example, agricultural processes or seed biodiversity, and which, although they are in favor of economic development, leave aside many other important concepts and issues, such as those contributed by indigenous populations, by indicating that there are non-human actors who also have rights and a fundamental role in issues of food sovereignty.[34]​.

Mexico

The dietary patterns of Mexicans have changed drastically in the last four decades, which has negatively impacted people's nutritional status. A decrease has been observed in the consumption of traditional foods, such as beans and corn, and an increase in the availability and consumption of highly processed foods with high energy density, high sodium content, saturated fats, sugars, colorings, preservatives, flavorings and stabilizers; At the same time, the consumption of products of animal origin has increased.[35]​.

These unbalanced eating patterns are what cause overweight and obesity, malnutrition and the so-called “hidden hunger” which is characterized by specific deficiencies such as iron, which triggers anemia, posing health risks particularly in women of reproductive age, which in turn constitute risks of maternal death and low birth weight.

The National Health and Nutrition Survey (ENSANUT - 2012) highlighted the need to improve complementary feeding programs for children from six months to two years, since only half of them were consuming foods rich in iron; In rural areas the variety of their diet was even less.

In terms of food deficiency, this is mainly concentrated among the adult, urban and non-indigenous population. In fact, between 61% and 86% of the 24.5 million who were in food deficiency in 2016 were adults, or lived in urban areas, or did not belong to any ethnic group.

There was a time between 1960 and 1969 when Mexico was an exporter of beans, corn and wheat, however, dependence on food imports rose from 22% in 1990-1992 to 35% in 2009-2011. This means that more than a third of the food consumed is not produced in the country. If this trend does not change, according to the United States Department of Agriculture, by 2030 80% of food would come from abroad.

The national legal framework establishes four obligations regarding the rights to food, which are: respect, protect, guarantee and promote the laws that have been decreed since the change in the economic model of the 1980s. The most important laws stand out:

The Sustainable Rural Development Law (LDRS).

Through a complementary approach with the promotion of productive activities and social development actions, it proposes to improve the living conditions of the rural population with a sustainable vision of the use of natural resources. For this purpose, the Special Concurrent Program for Sustainable Rural Development (PEC) was designed.

Federal plant health law.

Regulates and promotes plant health and the application, verification and certification of risk reduction systems for physical, chemical and microbiological contamination in the primary production of vegetables.

Organic Products Law.

Establishes the practices that must be followed by raw materials, products (intermediate and finished) and by-products (natural state, semi-processed and processed) that have been obtained respecting the environment and complying with sustainability criteria. In addition, it promotes elements that contribute to the development of the food production sector based on the principle of social justice.

Venezuela

As a consequence of hyperinflation, the tightening of international sanctions, the impact of Covid-19 restrictions and fuel shortages, the food security situation and the quality of diet will suffer a notable deterioration due to its effect on agricultural and logistical activities.[36]​.

In addition, trade and financial sanctions have led to the suspension of oil exports, which represent the country's main source of external income. Import restrictions have led to a dramatic and pronounced shortage of this product, causing higher energy and transportation costs, and consequently an increase in food prices.

The prolonged instability of the local currency has led to a partial dollarization of the economy, driving disparities between those who have access to US dollars and the majority who do not.

In relation to food security, according to the United Nations World Food Programme, two thirds of the population do not have a stable and sufficient supply of food.

Nicaragua

In Nicaragua there is a stable and sufficient supply of food, evidenced by the growing behavior of agricultural production (basic grains and cattle), although it is not enough to cover the necessary demand. Imports (mainly oil, wheat and basic grains) tend to supplement food availability and are usually increasing.

Regarding the behavior of agricultural production, it is affected at the regional and local level by the inefficiency in the use of productive factors (soil, water and genetic resources), financing and passivity in technological innovation in relation to cultivation. As a consequence, there are limitations in the food supply, generating a weak productive infrastructure (collection centers, roads), which negatively impacts the performance of food production of the basic basket. Furthermore, the country's low capacity to face climate-related risks (environmental degradation processes, insufficient cultivation techniques and uncontrolled expansion of the agricultural frontier) causes a situation of instability and dependence in relation to climate variability events that directly affect the supply of the sector and the food security of the territory.[37]​.

The problem of the inability to access food is considerably linked to the economic factor, which is the result of other socioeconomic factors such as unemployment, increased cost of the basic basket, freezing of salaries, increases in fuel prices and poor distribution of income. These aspects are considered causes of food insecurity within households, and if variations in food prices occur, the lack of income does not allow the minimum level of nutrition necessary to be achieved.

On the other hand, consumption in the country usually depends on the knowledge, attitudes and practices to choose the appropriate foods. The productive sector has a relevant role in terms of the type of foods that are produced, their quality and the promotion of crops that have high nutritional value and high profitability.

Nicaragua presents a decrease in malnutrition rates in children under five years of age, reaching 22% in 2001 (ENDESA 2001) and in schoolchildren aged 6 to 9 years, a prevalence of chronic malnutrition of 27.2% (National Height Census in schoolchildren 2005). Although national nutrition indicators show a recovery in the conditions of the child and adult population in urban areas, a deterioration continues to be observed in rural areas.

Regarding basic use services, difficulties are evident in accessing safe water for human consumption; in homes, 75.3% of water supply sources are not safe, which is why the risk of water-borne diseases remains and increases.

Chili

The internal shortage in the country begins with the exports of livestock and grains that fed the workforce in Europe during the Industrial Revolution. This crisis continued to deepen as the years passed.

Starting in the 1970s, work began on the state of undernourishment of a large part of the population, with institutional policies focused on the clinical and healthcare treatment of child malnutrition, delivering fortified milk formulas and food to health centers. By the end of the 90s, together with other government policies, they had already managed to eradicate child malnutrition, but at the same time malnutrition due to excess was increasing continuously and sustainably.[38]​.

The modernization of the food consumption pattern that brought about the implementation of the neoliberal model, displaced traditional diets consisting of legumes, fish, fruits, seasonal vegetables, eggs and poultry meat, native potatoes and unrefined flours (chuchoca, toasted flour, quinoa flour, etc.), which caused a cultural uprooting towards these own foods and consolidated the consumerist model, and as a consequence the dependence on large chain stores. supermarkets.

While tons of fresh fruits are exported annually, the low profitability of legume cultivation has drastically reduced production, leading to the majority being imported today. Regarding seafood, only 10% of horse mackerel extraction is done through artisanal fishing and the remaining 90% is extracted by the industrial sector to mainly produce flour and oil to be exported to China, Japan, Taiwan and Germany. Factors such as this contribute to the low per capita consumption of fish. Chile then remains an export power due to agro-extractivism and at the expense of the health of the population and ecosystems.

The consequences can be seen in the high rates of malnutrition due to excess in children and adults, in the deficit of micronutrients, and according to a study recently carried out by academics from the University of Chile, in the vitamin D deficiency that 75% of children have, and in the deficiencies of calcium, iron, zinc and copper that affect between 10% and 33%.

Guatemala

Extreme vulnerability due to environmental conditions and lack of access to land for peasant production characterize the rural fabric in Guatemala. These factors, added to the expansion of agribusiness and the promotion of exports, generate a growing food dependence on abroad.[39]​.

In terms of agribusiness, there are historical examples in Guatemala of the production of monocultures for export (coffee, cotton, bananas, sugar cane and African palm). This type of production requires large areas of land, displacing peasant populations from their lands and generating a great impact in terms of nutritional problems.

The search for Food Sovereignty in Guatemala, strongly impacted by the bombardment of neoliberal currents, involves recovering ancestral peasant technologies to build sustainable local processes.

• - Self-sufficiency.

• - Self-consumption.

• - Seed bank.

• - Responsible consumption.

• - Genetic contamination.

• - Manchester School.

• - The future of food, Documentary.

• - Extractivism.

• - Maker.

• - Seed exchange networks.

• - Food Safety.

• - Via Campesina.

• - Leda Giannuzzi (specialist in Food Sovereignty).

• - Nyéléni First International Forum for Food Sovereignty (February 23 - 27, 2007 - Selingue, Mali) and international newsletter, voice of the Food Sovereignty movement.

• - FIAN International organization that fights to fulfill the right to food in the world and denounce its violations. It has consultative status in the United Nations.

• - IPC Food Sovereignty International network that brings together civil society organizations and movements that work on programs and issues related to food sovereignty.

• - International movement Via Campesina brings together millions of peasants from all over the world who fight to ensure that people are sovereign over their lands.

• - "Foods under suspicion." Interview with Gustavo Duch in Smoke Signs.

• - Support the Fight for Our Future: The Time is Today!!! We are Free.

• - Participated construction of keys to success of processes and initiatives in favor of food sovereignty Emmaús social foundation 2013.

• - Duch, Gustavo. Agribusiness under suspicion. Barcelona: Cristianisme i Justícia, 2010.

• - Debarry, Annapia. (2017). Food Sovereignty in rural Myanmar: a case study on drivers of agrarian transformation and impacts on small-scale farmers.

Expanding the previously postulated definition, from the concept of food sovereignty, legislative reforms are promoted that contemplate the following proposals:[3]​.

• - Access to quality food at a reasonable price.

• - Right to know the origin of what is consumed.[4]​.

• - Access of peasants and landless people to water, seeds, and land.

• - Right of countries to protect themselves from imports by imposing higher taxes than on local productions.

• - Active participation of the people in aspects related to agrarian policy, since the recognition of their rights represents an essential role in agricultural production and food.

• - Forms of production cannot threaten the ecology, the environment, or the ways of life of the communities.

• - Agroecology as a friendly and sustainable alternative.[5]​.

On the other hand, the practice of dumping (sale of products below their usual price) is denounced, which is accused of destroying food production throughout the world, due to the great price disadvantage that local production has compared to international production. The concept of food sovereignty does not oppose exchanges as long as they occur fairly, which is why it is totally contrary to the concept of dumping. To achieve a fair exchange, a series of political and legislative measures are proposed that states and supranational organizations should undertake, such as:[6]​.

• - Prioritize local production").

• - Protect yourself from dumping.

• - Help farmers through public policies.

• - Guarantee the stability of agricultural prices on an international scale.

The oldest policy with which this concept can be related emerged in 1948, with the recognition of the right to food by the UN in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of that year signed in Paris. There, it is described as "the right of every man, woman or child, whether alone or in common with others, to have physical and economic access, at all times, to adequate food or the means to obtain it in ways consistent with human dignity."

Later, in 1974, the concept of food security emerged strongly, which was taken by international organizations such as the FAO and the WTO to base their agreements on agriculture. In contrast, the concept of food sovereignty did not exist as such until 1996. In that year, the young organization Vía Campesina, only 3 years old at the time, mentioned it for the first time in the Tlaxcala Declaration[7]​ in 1996. In that same year, this concept was brought to the UN, within the World Forum for Food Security that was organized in parallel to the World Food Summit,[8]​ there for the first time it became relevant. internationally.

That same year, the Food Sovereignty Movement was created, which led to the creation of the International Planning Committee for Food Sovereignty,[9]​ which began to have more influence on international decisions.

This topic was taken up again in June 2002, at the FAO NGO forum. In it, both Vía Campesina and other NGOs that share its anti-capitalist position denounced that the policies they call neoliberal would be incompatible with this concept, since they understand that they prioritize international trade even before feeding the people, which in their opinion would increase the people's dependence on imports and strengthen the industrialization of agriculture, severely damaging the environment and the health of the populations. These NGOs maintain that the policies promoted by the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO only favor the interests of multinational and transnational companies. They cite as an example the international, regional or bilateral agreements of the WTO that allow companies to monopolize the market.

There are three other global events that brought together different social movements (such as the urban poor, environmental groups, consumer groups, women's associations, fishermen, pastors) to advance the development and installation of this concept:

• - World Forum for Food Sovereignty in Havana held in August 2001.

• - NGO Forums for Food Sovereignty held in 2002 and 2009 in Rome.

• - International Forum on Food Sovereignty named Nyéléni Declaration[10]​ held in February 2007 in Mali.

To commemorate this struggle, the organization Vía Campesina proposed October 16 as the International Day of People's Food Sovereignty.[11]​.

Supporters of the concept of food sovereignty propose a framework for the governance of agricultural and food policies that incorporates a wide series of issues, such as agrarian reform through the expropriation of land (there may or may not be some compensation mechanism for the former owners, depending on each promoter of these measures) or through negotiated acquisition; state control and intervention of local markets; the promotion of biodiversity; credit to small agricultural producers and other measures related to the ability to produce food locally.

It covers policies referring not only to localizing control of production and markets, but also to promoting the right to food, access and control of peoples to land, water and genetic resources, and the promotion of environmentally sustainable use of production.

In February 2007, the Forum for Food Sovereignty took place in Nyéléni (Mali), organized by La Vía Campesina and the World March of Women. Its objective, in the words of the activist and participant in the Forum Esther Vivas, was: “to carry out a strategic debate on what social movements understand by food sovereignty, what specific proposals are claimed and how to carry them out.”[12]​.

The Nyéléni Declaration, Selingue, Mali 2007, stipulates the following:.

At the Nyéléni Forum, the links between the food sovereignty movement and the feminist movement were also emphasized, due to the central role that, in the opinion of its organizers, women would play in the rural world. The feminist journalist and writer Esther Vivas noted at that time that "Women had a central role as promoters and participants in the event. One day before the start of the forum, a meeting promoted by the World March of Women was held in the same venue with two specific objectives: to share women's opinions on food sovereignty and to establish joint contributions to the forum. The gathered women reclaimed the myth of Nyéléni, a Malian peasant woman who fought to assert herself as woman in an unfavorable environment. In fact, the Forum for Food Sovereignty received the nickname Nyéléni in homage to this legend”.[10]​.

Food Sovereignty is committed to including women, their needs and the demands that allow them to develop their capacities in agricultural and food production, (Murias, 2009),[13] seeking to integrate women transversally in the production of varied, nutritious and healthy foods and promoting recognition of productive work and care work. (Motta et al, 2023).[14]​ Promotes new fair and equitable human relationships between humans and the environment to ensure sustainability.

The concept received numerous criticisms in the academic field, criticisms that are directed at different budgets. It has been said, for example, that the entire concept is based on a homogeneous discourse about peasants, ignoring their diversity and internal differences (gender, class, geographical location). According to academic Henry Bernstein, this vision ends up being an “agrarian populism” that resists criticizing internal dynamics and simplifies rural reality, romanticizing the figure of the small farmer or traditional methods, without taking into account:

•The real subsistence difficulties of many farmers.

• That some modern technologies (such as certain GMOs or technical irrigation) can improve yields and reduce hunger.

Bernstein summarizes his position in the analysis of the very concept of Food Sovereignty. In it, and beyond the formulation of its creators, it identifies three elements: (1) a comprehensive attack on corporate industrialized agriculture and its ecological consequences in the current moment of globalization, (2) the defense of the "Vía Campesina" as the basis of a sustainable and socially just food system, and (3) a program to achieve that world-historic objective. He summarizes his own position by saying: “While I share some of the concerns of (1), I am skeptical about (2) due to how Food Sovereignty conceives of "peasants" and the claim by some of its main proponents that small producers practicing agroecological agriculture, understood as low (external) input and labor intensive, can feed the world. This leads me to think that Food Sovereignty is incapable of building a feasible program (3) to connect the activities of small farmers with the food needs of non-farmers, whose number is growing both in absolute terms and as a proportion of the world population.”.[15]​

On the other hand, food sovereignty, by emphasizing the priority of national/local production for food supply, can lead to the implementation of policies that:

· Favor national producers over foreign ones.

· Impose barriers to food imports.

· Reject free trade agreements that liberalize agricultural markets.

· Limit dependence on international trade to guarantee access to food.

This is seen, by some critics, as a disguised form of protectionism.

Professor Robert Paarlberg in “Starved for Science”[16]​ argues that closing off commerce and prioritizing exclusively local products can reduce efficiency, raise prices and reduce the available supply.

On the other hand, when a country limits imports to favor its local production, it can have negative consequences:

· Internal prices rise if local production does not cover demand.

· Access to certain foods that are not produced locally is difficult.

· Vulnerable populations may be affected by lower availability or higher cost.

Paarlberg emphasizes the case of countries with low agricultural capacity, such as some in North Africa or the Middle East, pointing out that in them total food self-sufficiency is impossible. Going for the global implementation of policies based on this concept would imply in those places restricting access to imported basic foods, to the detriment of the population.

Furthermore, Paarlberg criticizes the idea, present in food sovereignty, that traditional agricultural methods, without biotechnology or modern inputs, are sufficient or even desirable. Paarlberg questions this as a dogmatic position, driven by urban values ​​typical of rich northern countries, and completely alien to the rural needs of the global south. Thus, food sovereignty rejects, almost on principle, the use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). He points out that many NGOs and European governments promote this rejection in Africa, which blocks the transfer of modern agricultural technology, leaving that region isolated from repeating what Asia achieved with the Green Revolution.

Paalberg says this romanticizes subsistence farming, which in many African regions is extremely precarious, and condemns small farmers to remain trapped in poverty. He argues that international trade and scientific cooperation can and should be part of the solution. In his analysis, closing oneself to foreign commerce or science is not emancipation, but self-inflicted isolation.

Agricultural economist Sophia Murphy, together with Kim Burnett, address the ambiguity and strategic omissions of the concept of food sovereignty, especially with regard to its stance on international trade and its viability for small producers who depend on exports for their income and food security. Requiring them to abruptly shift toward self-consumption production, they argue, could make them even more vulnerable. This leads to pointing out a contradiction in the approach: although the concept of food sovereignty seeks justice, poorly implemented it can reinforce global inequalities. This would happen if rich countries applied the same Food Sovereignty program and, under it, closed their markets to agricultural products from the south. Likewise, they criticize the simplistic vision where the local is privileged without considering that international trade, well regulated, can be a lever to improve the living conditions of these small producers. For Murphy and Burnett, the food sovereignty movement should articulate a more concrete position on international trade. Instead of the rather exclusionary approach (as often reflected in their marches with the slogan "WTO out of agriculture"), they propose considering how to change the rules of trade (for example, in the WTO) to favor broader and more sustainable food sovereignty. [17]​.

Argentina

Argentina is a country that, according to various statistics, such as National Nutrition and Health surveys and FAO food balances, does not have problems in terms of food and nutritional availability; it presents a dietary pattern similar to developed countries. However, there are social sectors that suffer from malnutrition and hunger attributed to existing problems related to access (price of food and job insecurity), food consumption and biological use (dietary pattern).

Among the health problems related to the nutritional status of children under 5 years of age, iron deficiency anemia, short stature, overweight (observed in children with unsatisfied basic needs) and possible Vitamin A deficiency can be found predominantly.[4]​.

As part of the National Food Security Plan of 2003, within the framework of Law 25,724, the aim is to guarantee the most vulnerable families in the country access to adequate food in accordance with the different food identities existing in the Argentine territory.[18]​.

During 2020, the Argentina Against Hunger plan was put into action, in order to continue working and strengthening the theme.[19]​ However, it turned out to be a failure,[20][21][22]​ and in 2022 it formally ceased to exist.

Among the main lines of action are:[23]​.

Feed Card.

Instrument with a reach of around 4,000,000 people, granted in order to promote or facilitate access to the Basic Food Basket. With it you can buy any type of food in any business in the country that has posnet, with the exception of alcoholic beverages.[23]​.

ProHuerta.

On August 3, 1990, six years before the concept of "Food Sovereignty" was created, the Board of Directors of INTA approved the Integrated Project “Promotion of Food Self-Production (ProHuerta)”. Through the promotion of agroecological orchards and farms, technical assistance, training, food education, environmental education, the strengthening of productive projects and access to water and the support of marketing with nearby markets and fairs, for more than 30 years the program promoted access to healthy foods and supported agroecological production, which caused some supporters of Food Sovereignty to interpret it as a precedent for their postulates.[24] It lasted. until April 2024, when the Ministry of Human Development discontinues the financing of the program, generating its definitive closure.[25]​ The negative effects of this decision that affects food sovereignty were expressed from different sectors.[26]​ [25]​

Strengthening Picnic Areas and Community and School Canteens.

It occurs from a community approach to the problem, improving services in state management institutions.[23]​.

Assistance to families.

Through the delivery of food modules or provision of food cards, focusing on indigenous populations, people with celiac disease and specific groups in situations of food insecurity (pregnant women, children under 14, adolescents, the disabled, older adults without social coverage).[23]​.

From the dissemination and approach of relevant information through nutritional food education, with the aim of promoting a healthy, nutritious and varied diet.[23]​.

Bolivia

The technological change driven by the green revolution in Bolivia in the 1950s and later with genetic engineering and the introduction of GMOs in the 1990s, have influenced the technology and agricultural production processes of indigenous indigenous peasant communities and in some way have modified their ancestral knowledge regarding food security and sovereignty and therefore their ability to produce natural, high-quality foods for their own consumption.[27]​.

Today Bolivia produces foods that it previously imported (mainly liquid fats and dairy products); but now it depends on wheat and its derivative (flour). On the other hand, imports of other products increased, according to the Center for Research and Promotion of Peasants (Cipca), between 2000 and 2016, imports of potatoes, tomatoes, apples, cherimoyas and onions increased drastically. This situation represents a challenge for the future because there is increasing dependence on external inputs and technologies. An aspect to highlight in relation to food sovereignty is that ancestral storage systems such as pirwas, kayros, colkas and others are being revalued.[28] As for the indicators on food security, these have improved over time, since there is more production, more consumption, and population levels have improved, but there is still much to do since although there are important laws enacted in the last ten years, the lack of regulations and their vague execution have not allowed the implementation of programs and food security and sovereignty projects, a situation that is reflected in the data indicated by the World Hunger Map presented by the World Food Program, where it is stated that 20% of Bolivians do not have access to enough food.

National Institute of Agricultural and Forestry Innovation.

It is focused on resuming the role of the State in agricultural and forestry innovation, after more than a decade of leaving this role in the hands of private companies.

It is also oriented towards the revaluation of the ancestral knowledge of the original indigenous peasant nations as a basis for achieving food security and sovereignty, in addition to a comprehensive vision of development as an intermediate phase for “living well”, proposed in the political constitution of the State and at the international level as the alternative to the capitalist system.

Community Productive Revolution Law.

It consists of a series of measures, such as the creation of agricultural insurance to remedy the damages caused by natural phenomena as a result of climate change, in addition, the creation of state companies to produce seeds and fertilizers, the authorization to expand the production of transgenic foods in a "controlled" manner and the prohibition of genetic modifications in products coming from the country's territory.

.

Brazil

For many years, statistics revealed that more than 50 million Brazilians went hungry every day. This situation was partially resolved with the family-stock program, which served and continues to serve more than 11 million families, but despite the implementation of this program, the problem of hunger persists in the population. Currently around 60 million Brazilians do not eat adequately.[30]​.

On the other hand, Brazil became the world's largest consumer of pesticides, consuming no less than one million liters of them in the period between 2009/10, which gives an average of 6 liters per person. This implies that the population is being supplied with increasingly contaminated food.

For this reason, food security policies are important, since despite the existence of compensatory programs given by the government such as the 'Bolsa-familia', which contribute to the reduction of food insecurity of millions of people in poverty, they do not have to be confused with sovereignty policies since these programs are emergency actions to minimize the consequences that poverty has on food issues.

The consumer price index (IPCA), which measures the country's official inflation, advanced 2.44% in the 12 months until August (2020). Data released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) showed that rice is almost 20% more expensive compared to its price at the beginning of the year, also the price of feijão mulatinho (black beans) rose by 32.6%, abobrinha (zuchinni) by 46.8%, and onion by 50.4%.[31]​.

One of the causes of the increase in prices is that exports are more lucrative, since in terms of exchange a more expensive dollar stimulates exports since receiving them gives more profitability to producers and for this reason they prefer to produce for the external market.

At the same time, demand has increased from countries whose food chain was affected by weather conditions or by the shutdown due to the pandemic, and this increase raised the prices of consumer goods.

The way in which current industrial agriculture in Brazil relates to the environment is extremely exhausting and unsustainable.

The production and technological model used by agribusiness in Brazil seeks to control the supply of food products and agricultural systems, and has a high predisposition to permissiveness in the presence of foreign capital through agro-industrial agreements and mergers between national and foreign companies, leading to the undermining of initiatives favorable to national food sovereignty, even to allocate for land appropriation.

The standardization of food by transnational companies directly affects the eating habits and domestic practices of populations and how they provide their own food.

There is data that shows that agricultural crops are increasingly simplified and homogeneous, which leads to the impoverishment of soils, exaggerated use and waste of water, environmental pollution, weakening of native species and the degradation of natural reserves.

Colombia

In Colombia, just as inequality is seen in purchasing power, it is also seen in food issues, which can be extrapolated to the rest of the region. So there are problems, on the one hand, of obesity due to overeating, and on the other, problems of malnutrition, which do not always go hand in hand with the absence of food.

It is estimated for 2015 that, approximately, between 6 and 10% of children under 5 years of age are overweight, while for acute malnutrition the percentage is approximately 2.7% and 0.6%, discriminating according to the parents' educational level and without discriminating against sex, this being estimated with an index called low weight for height.

Chronic malnutrition is estimated with the short height-for-age index where it was found that only 2.3% of the population under 5 years of age was in the well-nourished range; however, these are general data and regional inequalities and population differences must be taken into account.

Like many American countries, Colombia is a multiethnic and pluricultural country, to which is added its great diversity in thermal floors and ecosystems, generating a differentiated need for each population, this without taking into account that more than 60 indigenous, co-official languages ​​are spoken in the territories in which they are spoken. So, depending on the region and the community, there are different food preferences, which depend on local geography, as well as regional adaptations to nationally available foods, such as rice, cassava, potatoes, and bananas. All of this highlights that the acquisition of data and, therefore, corrective measures, must be applied by regions and according to the needs of each population.

Since 2000, Colombia has had Dietary Guides[33]​ focused on the population over 2 years of age and with guides for the population under two years of age as well as for pregnant and breastfeeding mothers. These have the objective of guiding all actors in the food field regarding current and therefore dynamic needs in food issues, taking into account a preventive health approach and healthy lifestyle habits. Being dynamic, the function of updating it was given to the ICBF.

Officially, food sovereignty is seen from the point of view of access to healthy food for the entire population, taking into account the political, cultural, and geographical difficulties at the local and national level that this implies; There is a dichotomy between the position of entering global trade through international trade agreements, which on many occasions violate cultural practices in terms of, for example, agricultural processes or seed biodiversity, and which, although they are in favor of economic development, leave aside many other important concepts and issues, such as those contributed by indigenous populations, by indicating that there are non-human actors who also have rights and a fundamental role in issues of food sovereignty.[34]​.

Mexico

The dietary patterns of Mexicans have changed drastically in the last four decades, which has negatively impacted people's nutritional status. A decrease has been observed in the consumption of traditional foods, such as beans and corn, and an increase in the availability and consumption of highly processed foods with high energy density, high sodium content, saturated fats, sugars, colorings, preservatives, flavorings and stabilizers; At the same time, the consumption of products of animal origin has increased.[35]​.

These unbalanced eating patterns are what cause overweight and obesity, malnutrition and the so-called “hidden hunger” which is characterized by specific deficiencies such as iron, which triggers anemia, posing health risks particularly in women of reproductive age, which in turn constitute risks of maternal death and low birth weight.

The National Health and Nutrition Survey (ENSANUT - 2012) highlighted the need to improve complementary feeding programs for children from six months to two years, since only half of them were consuming foods rich in iron; In rural areas the variety of their diet was even less.

In terms of food deficiency, this is mainly concentrated among the adult, urban and non-indigenous population. In fact, between 61% and 86% of the 24.5 million who were in food deficiency in 2016 were adults, or lived in urban areas, or did not belong to any ethnic group.

There was a time between 1960 and 1969 when Mexico was an exporter of beans, corn and wheat, however, dependence on food imports rose from 22% in 1990-1992 to 35% in 2009-2011. This means that more than a third of the food consumed is not produced in the country. If this trend does not change, according to the United States Department of Agriculture, by 2030 80% of food would come from abroad.

The national legal framework establishes four obligations regarding the rights to food, which are: respect, protect, guarantee and promote the laws that have been decreed since the change in the economic model of the 1980s. The most important laws stand out:

The Sustainable Rural Development Law (LDRS).

Through a complementary approach with the promotion of productive activities and social development actions, it proposes to improve the living conditions of the rural population with a sustainable vision of the use of natural resources. For this purpose, the Special Concurrent Program for Sustainable Rural Development (PEC) was designed.

Federal plant health law.

Regulates and promotes plant health and the application, verification and certification of risk reduction systems for physical, chemical and microbiological contamination in the primary production of vegetables.

Organic Products Law.

Establishes the practices that must be followed by raw materials, products (intermediate and finished) and by-products (natural state, semi-processed and processed) that have been obtained respecting the environment and complying with sustainability criteria. In addition, it promotes elements that contribute to the development of the food production sector based on the principle of social justice.

Venezuela

As a consequence of hyperinflation, the tightening of international sanctions, the impact of Covid-19 restrictions and fuel shortages, the food security situation and the quality of diet will suffer a notable deterioration due to its effect on agricultural and logistical activities.[36]​.

In addition, trade and financial sanctions have led to the suspension of oil exports, which represent the country's main source of external income. Import restrictions have led to a dramatic and pronounced shortage of this product, causing higher energy and transportation costs, and consequently an increase in food prices.

The prolonged instability of the local currency has led to a partial dollarization of the economy, driving disparities between those who have access to US dollars and the majority who do not.

In relation to food security, according to the United Nations World Food Programme, two thirds of the population do not have a stable and sufficient supply of food.

Nicaragua

In Nicaragua there is a stable and sufficient supply of food, evidenced by the growing behavior of agricultural production (basic grains and cattle), although it is not enough to cover the necessary demand. Imports (mainly oil, wheat and basic grains) tend to supplement food availability and are usually increasing.

Regarding the behavior of agricultural production, it is affected at the regional and local level by the inefficiency in the use of productive factors (soil, water and genetic resources), financing and passivity in technological innovation in relation to cultivation. As a consequence, there are limitations in the food supply, generating a weak productive infrastructure (collection centers, roads), which negatively impacts the performance of food production of the basic basket. Furthermore, the country's low capacity to face climate-related risks (environmental degradation processes, insufficient cultivation techniques and uncontrolled expansion of the agricultural frontier) causes a situation of instability and dependence in relation to climate variability events that directly affect the supply of the sector and the food security of the territory.[37]​.

The problem of the inability to access food is considerably linked to the economic factor, which is the result of other socioeconomic factors such as unemployment, increased cost of the basic basket, freezing of salaries, increases in fuel prices and poor distribution of income. These aspects are considered causes of food insecurity within households, and if variations in food prices occur, the lack of income does not allow the minimum level of nutrition necessary to be achieved.

On the other hand, consumption in the country usually depends on the knowledge, attitudes and practices to choose the appropriate foods. The productive sector has a relevant role in terms of the type of foods that are produced, their quality and the promotion of crops that have high nutritional value and high profitability.

Nicaragua presents a decrease in malnutrition rates in children under five years of age, reaching 22% in 2001 (ENDESA 2001) and in schoolchildren aged 6 to 9 years, a prevalence of chronic malnutrition of 27.2% (National Height Census in schoolchildren 2005). Although national nutrition indicators show a recovery in the conditions of the child and adult population in urban areas, a deterioration continues to be observed in rural areas.

Regarding basic use services, difficulties are evident in accessing safe water for human consumption; in homes, 75.3% of water supply sources are not safe, which is why the risk of water-borne diseases remains and increases.

Chili

The internal shortage in the country begins with the exports of livestock and grains that fed the workforce in Europe during the Industrial Revolution. This crisis continued to deepen as the years passed.

Starting in the 1970s, work began on the state of undernourishment of a large part of the population, with institutional policies focused on the clinical and healthcare treatment of child malnutrition, delivering fortified milk formulas and food to health centers. By the end of the 90s, together with other government policies, they had already managed to eradicate child malnutrition, but at the same time malnutrition due to excess was increasing continuously and sustainably.[38]​.

The modernization of the food consumption pattern that brought about the implementation of the neoliberal model, displaced traditional diets consisting of legumes, fish, fruits, seasonal vegetables, eggs and poultry meat, native potatoes and unrefined flours (chuchoca, toasted flour, quinoa flour, etc.), which caused a cultural uprooting towards these own foods and consolidated the consumerist model, and as a consequence the dependence on large chain stores. supermarkets.

While tons of fresh fruits are exported annually, the low profitability of legume cultivation has drastically reduced production, leading to the majority being imported today. Regarding seafood, only 10% of horse mackerel extraction is done through artisanal fishing and the remaining 90% is extracted by the industrial sector to mainly produce flour and oil to be exported to China, Japan, Taiwan and Germany. Factors such as this contribute to the low per capita consumption of fish. Chile then remains an export power due to agro-extractivism and at the expense of the health of the population and ecosystems.

The consequences can be seen in the high rates of malnutrition due to excess in children and adults, in the deficit of micronutrients, and according to a study recently carried out by academics from the University of Chile, in the vitamin D deficiency that 75% of children have, and in the deficiencies of calcium, iron, zinc and copper that affect between 10% and 33%.

Guatemala

Extreme vulnerability due to environmental conditions and lack of access to land for peasant production characterize the rural fabric in Guatemala. These factors, added to the expansion of agribusiness and the promotion of exports, generate a growing food dependence on abroad.[39]​.

In terms of agribusiness, there are historical examples in Guatemala of the production of monocultures for export (coffee, cotton, bananas, sugar cane and African palm). This type of production requires large areas of land, displacing peasant populations from their lands and generating a great impact in terms of nutritional problems.

The search for Food Sovereignty in Guatemala, strongly impacted by the bombardment of neoliberal currents, involves recovering ancestral peasant technologies to build sustainable local processes.

• - Self-sufficiency.

• - Self-consumption.

• - Seed bank.

• - Responsible consumption.

• - Genetic contamination.

• - Manchester School.

• - The future of food, Documentary.

• - Extractivism.

• - Maker.

• - Seed exchange networks.

• - Food Safety.

• - Via Campesina.

• - Leda Giannuzzi (specialist in Food Sovereignty).

• - Nyéléni First International Forum for Food Sovereignty (February 23 - 27, 2007 - Selingue, Mali) and international newsletter, voice of the Food Sovereignty movement.

• - FIAN International organization that fights to fulfill the right to food in the world and denounce its violations. It has consultative status in the United Nations.

• - IPC Food Sovereignty International network that brings together civil society organizations and movements that work on programs and issues related to food sovereignty.

• - International movement Via Campesina brings together millions of peasants from all over the world who fight to ensure that people are sovereign over their lands.

• - "Foods under suspicion." Interview with Gustavo Duch in Smoke Signs.

• - Support the Fight for Our Future: The Time is Today!!! We are Free.

• - Participated construction of keys to success of processes and initiatives in favor of food sovereignty Emmaús social foundation 2013.

• - Duch, Gustavo. Agribusiness under suspicion. Barcelona: Cristianisme i Justícia, 2010.

• - Debarry, Annapia. (2017). Food Sovereignty in rural Myanmar: a case study on drivers of agrarian transformation and impacts on small-scale farmers.