The Mayan culture developed within the Mesoamerican cultural area, a region that extends from central Mexico southward into Central America.[4] Mesoamerica was one of the six cradles of civilization in the world.[5] The Mesoamerican area gave rise to a cultural development that included the formation of complex societies, agriculture, cities, monumental architecture, writing and calendrical systems.[6] The set of traits shared by Mesoamerican cultures also included knowledge astronomical and a worldview that sees the world as structured into four divisions aligned with the cardinal points, each with different attributes, as well as a vertical division of the world into the celestial realm, the earth, and the underworld.

By the year 6000 BC. C., the first inhabitants of Mesoamerica were experimenting with the domestication of plants, a process that led to the creation of sedentary agricultural societies.[7]​ Although climatic diversity allowed for wide variation in the crops available, basic crops were grown in all regions of Mesoamerica, being corn, beans, and squash.[8]​ All Mesoamerican cultures used Stone Age technology; after 1000 AD. C. copper, silver and gold were also worked. Mesoamerica lacked draft animals, did not use the wheel, and had few domestic animals; The main means of transportation was by foot or canoe.[9] Mesoamericans saw the world as hostile and ruled by unpredictable deities. The Mesoamerican ritual ball game was widely practiced.[10] Mesoamerica has great linguistic diversity, although most languages belong to a small number of language families—the main language families being the Mayan, Mixezokean, Otomanguean, and Uto-Aztec languages; there are also a number of smaller, more isolated language families. The Mesoamerican linguistic area shares a number of important characteristics, including the widespread use of shared words, and a numerical system. vigesimal.[11]​.

The territory of the Maya[12]​ and the Mayans maintained a dynamic relationship with neighboring cultures, including the Olmecs, the Mixtecs, the Teotihuacans, the Aztecs, and others.[13]​ During the Early Classic period, the Mayan cities of Tikal and Kaminaljuyú were key focuses in a network that extended beyond the Mayan area, into the highlands of central Mexico.[14]​ In At this same time there was a strong Mayan presence in the Tetitla enclosure in Teotihuacán. Centuries later, in the 19th century, murals at Cacaxtla, another site in the highlands of central Mexico, were also painted in Mayan style. This may have been an effort to align with the still powerful Mayan region, following the collapse of Teotihuacán and the subsequent political fragmentation in the highlands of Mexico,[17]​ or an attempt to express some distant Mayan origin on the part of the inhabitants.[18]​ The Mayan city of Chichén Itzá and the distant Toltec capital of Tollan maintained close ties for the rest of their days.[19]​.

The Mayan civilization occupied an extensive territory that included southeastern Mexico and northern Central America; It encompassed the entire Yucatan Peninsula, all of Guatemala and Belize, as well as the western portion of Honduras and El Salvador.[20] Most of the peninsula is made up of a vast plain with few hills or mountains and a generally low-lying coastal area.[21]

The Petén region consists of a low, forest-covered limestone plain;[22]​ a series of fourteen lakes cross the central Petén drainage basin.[23]​ In the south, the plain gradually rises toward the Guatemalan highlands.[24]​ Dense jungle covers northern Petén and Belize, most of Quintana Roo, southern Campeche, and a portion of southern Yucatán state "Yucatán (state)"). Further north, the vegetation becomes low forest composed of dense bushes.[25]​.

The coastal zone "Litoral (geografía)") of Soconusco "Soconusco (Chiapas)") is located south of the Sierra Madre of Chiapas,[26] and consists of a narrow coastal plain and the foothills of the Sierra Madre.[27] The Mayan plateau extends from eastern Chiapas to Guatemala, and reaches its highest altitude in the Sierra de los Cuchumatanes. The main pre-Columbian population centers of the highlands are found in the major valleys, such as the Guatemala Valley and Quetzaltenango in the southern highlands, dominated by a belt of volcanic cones that runs parallel to the Pacific coast. The high plateau extends north into Verapaz "Verapaz (Guatemala)"), and gradually descends towards the east.[28]​.

Background

The history of the Mayan civilization is divided into three main periods: the Preclassic, the Classic and the Postclassic; author, the definitions of the start and end dates of the periods can vary by up to a century.[32]​.

Preclassical (c. 2000 BC-250 AD)

The Mayans developed their first civilization in the Preclassic period.[36] The Mayan occupation of Aguada Fénix in Mexico has been dated to 1,000 BC. C. placing it as the oldest Mayan city, and marks the passage of the Mayan civilization from nomadism to a sedentary lifestyle, and the beginning of the construction of the Mayan city-states;[37] Ceibal in Guatemala dates from 950 BC. C. and Cuello "Cuello (archaeological site)"), Belize, has been dated to around 900 BC. C.[38]​.

Settlements were established around 800 BC. C. in the Soconusco region "Soconusco (Chiapas)") on the Pacific coast, and the Mayans already cultivated basic crops such as corn, beans, squash and chili.[39]​ This period was characterized by the existence of sedentary communities and the introduction of ceramics and baked clay figurines.[40]​.

During the Middle Preclassic, small settlements began to grow and became cities.[41]​ Nakbé, located in the department of Petén, Guatemala, was the oldest documented city in the Maya lowlands.[42]​ The largest architectural structures at Nakbé have been dated to around 750 BC. C.[41]​ The lowlands of northern Yucatán were widely populated towards the Middle Preclassic.[43]​ Around 400 BC. C., the first Mayan rulers raised stelae.[44] A developed writing was already being used in the Petén by the century BC. C.[45]​ In the Late Preclassic, the enormous city of El Mirador "El Mirador (Mayan city)") grew to an area of ​​approximately 16 km².[46]​ Although not as large as El Mirador, Tikal was already an important city around 350 BC. C.[47]​.

In the highlands, Kaminaljuyú emerged as one of the main centers of the Late Preclassic. Takalik Abaj and Chocolá were two of the most important cities of the Pacific coastal plain, and Komchén "Komchén (archaeological site)" grew to become an important site in northern Yucatán. C., and many of the great Mayan cities of this time were abandoned; The cause of this collapse is unknown.[51]​.

Classical (c. 250-900 AD)

The Classic period is largely defined as the period in which the lowland Maya erected dated monuments, using the Long Count calendar. This period marked the apogee of large-scale construction and urbanism, the making of monumental inscriptions, and showed significant intellectual and artistic development, particularly in the southern lowlands. The political landscape of the Classic Maya period, characterized by multiple city-states involved in a complex network of alliances and enmities, has been compared to that of Italy during the Renaissance or classical Greece.[54]​ The major cities had a population of 50,000 to 120,000 inhabitants and were connected by networks of subsidiary cities.[55]​.

During the Early Classic, the cities of the Mayan region were influenced by the great metropolis of Teotihuacan in the distant Valley of Mexico. Tikal in early 378 AD. The then king of Tikal, Chak Tok Ich'aak I"), died on the same day, suggesting a violent seizure of power.[58]​ A year later, Siyaj K'ak' oversaw the installation of a new king, Yax Nuun Ahiin I.[59]​ The installation of the new dynasty led to a period of political dominance in which Tikal became the most powerful city in the central lowlands.[59]​.

Tikal's great rival was Calakmul, another powerful city in the Petén basin.[60] Both Tikal and Calakmul developed extensive systems of allies and vassals; Minor cities that entered one of these networks gained prestige through their association with the higher-level city and maintained peaceful relations with the other members of the same network. Tikal and Calakmul led their networks of allies against each other; At various points during the Classic period, one or another of these powers would win a strategic victory over its great rival, resulting in respective periods of flourishing and decline.[62]​.

In 629, B'alaj Chan K'awiil, son of King K'inich Muwaan Jol II"), was sent to found a new city at Dos Pilas in the Petexbatún region, apparently as an outpost to extend the power of Tikal beyond the reach of Calakmul. For the next two decades he fought loyally with his brother and lord of Tikal. In 648 AD, King Yuknoom Ch'een II of Calakmul captured Balaj Chan K'awiil. Yuknoom Ch'een II then reinstated Balaj Chan K'awiil on the throne of Dos Pilas as his own vassal.[64] Since then he served as a loyal ally of Calakmul.[65]

In the southeastern Mayan region, Copán "Copán (archaeological site)") was the most important city.[60] Their Classic period dynasty was founded in 426 by K'inich Yax K'uk' Mo'. The new king had strong ties to central Petén and Teotihuacán.[66] Copán reached the height of its cultural and artistic development during the rule of Uaxaclajuun Ub'aah K'awiil, who reigned from 695 to 738.[67] His reign ended catastrophically when he was captured by his vassal, King K'ak' Tiliw Chan Yopaat of Quiriguá.[68]​ The captured king of Copán was taken to Quiriguá where he was beheaded in a public ritual.[69]​ It is likely that this coup d'état was supported by Calakmul in order to weaken a powerful ally of Tikal.[70]​.

Palenque "Palenque (archaeological zone)") and Piedras Negras "Black Stones (archaeological site)") were the most powerful cities in the Usumacinta basin.[60] In the highlands, Kaminaljuyú, in the valley of Guatemala, was already an expanding city by 300 AD. C.[71]​ In the north of the Mayan area, the most important city was Cobá,[72]​ while in the west, on the Tabasco plain, the most important city was Comalcalco "Comalcalco (archaeological zone)"), founded in 700 BC. C. and whose buildings were built of baked brick, glued with a mixture of cooked oyster shell, due to the lack of stones in the region.[73] Comalcalco was an important commercial center[74] and cocoa cultivation, whose seed was considered currency in the Mayan culture and in Mesoamerica, which was subdued by Tortuguero "Tortuguero (archaeological site)") in 649 AD. C. after a bloody war.[75]​.

During the 2nd century, the central Mayan region experienced a major political collapse, marked by the abandonment of cities, the end of dynasties, and a shift of the focus of activities northward.[56] There is no universally accepted theory to explain this collapse, but it is likely the result of a combination of causes, including endemic internal warfare, overpopulation resulting in severe environmental degradation, and drought,[76] the latter being probable.[77][78]​.

In August 2025, a study on the stalagmites of the Tzabnah Caves (Tecoh, Mexico) discovered records of droughts that coincide with periods of population decline and that led to a political reorganization of the Mayan kingdoms. At least four major droughts that lasted several years and a 13-year megadrought that occurred at the beginning of the first millennium, right in the final phase of the collapse of civilization, were documented. of rainfed agriculture, the lack of rain left many areas without enough food or drinking water.

The situations of famine and poor harvests caused serious pressure on the hierarchical Mayan political systems, since the governors were seen as "divine kings" in direct contact with the gods. However, the collapse was not a single or uniform event, different populations migrated and society continued to prosper in other areas, moving away from elitist governments and developing new political structures.[77]​[78]​.

During this period, known as the Terminal Classic, the northern cities of Chichén Itzá and Uxmal showed increased activity.[56] The major cities in the northern Yucatán Peninsula continued to be inhabited long after the southern lowland cities stopped erecting monuments.[79]

Classic Maya social organization was based on the ritual authority of the ruler, rather than central control of food trade and distribution. This model of governance was not well structured to respond to fundamental changes, since the ruler's freedom of action was limited to traditional responses. Rulers reacted, in a culturally delimited way, with the intensification of activities such as construction, rituals and warfare. This was counterproductive and only served to exacerbate systemic problems.")[80] This resulted in the collapse of this system of governance over the 2000s. In northern Yucatán, individual kingship was replaced by a governing council made up of elite lineages. In southern Yucatán and central Petén, kingdoms generally declined; in western Petén and some other areas, changes were Catastrophic events and led to rapid depopulation of the cities.[81] Large swaths of the central Maya zone were almost abandoned within a couple of generations.[82] The largest cities had populations of 50,000 to 120,000 and were linked to networks of subsidiary sites. Typically, both the capital cities and their secondary centers were abandoned within 50 to 100. years.[55]​ One by one, many of the once great cities stopped carving dated monuments and were eventually abandoned; the last Long Count date was inscribed in Toniná in the year 909. Steles were no longer erected, and other occupants settled in the abandoned royal palaces. Trade routes in Mesoamerica changed and did not include the Petén.[83]​.

Postclassical (c. 950-1540 AD)

After the abandonment of the major cities of the Classic period, a significant, though much smaller, Mayan presence remained into the Postclassic period, concentrating primarily near permanent water sources.[85] Unlike previous cycles of contraction in the Maya region, abandoned lands were not rapidly resettled during the Postclassic.[55] The center of activity moved to the northern lowlands and Mayan highlands; This may have coincided with migration from the southern lowlands, as many Postclassic Maya groups had migration myths.[86] Chichén Itzá and its Puuc neighbors declined dramatically in the 2nd century, which may represent the final episode of the Classic collapse period. After the fall of Chichén Itzá, the Mayan region lacked a dominant power until the rise of the city of Mayapán in the 19th century. New cities emerged near the coasts of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico such as Potonchán, and new commercial networks were formed.[87]​.

The Postclassic period was marked by a series of changes that distinguish its cities from those of the preceding Classic period.[88] The other large city of Kaminaljuyú in the Guatemala Valley was abandoned after a period of continuous occupation that spanned almost two thousand years.[89] This was symptomatic of the changes that were sweeping across the highlands and plain of the Pacific coast, in which cities situated on exposed land were relocated, apparently due to a proliferation of war. The cities began to occupy places located on hilltops, surrounded by deep ravines that facilitated their defense, and sometimes with defenses composed of ditches and walls to complement the protection provided by the terrain.[89]​ One of the most important cities in the Guatemalan highlands at this time was Q'umarkaj, the capital of the belligerent Quiche kingdom.[88]​ In general, the Postclassic Mayan states, from Yucatán to the Guatemalan highlands, were organized under a form of joint government or governing council. However, in practice one of the council members could act as supreme ruler, with the other members serving as advisors.[90]​.

Mayapán was abandoned around 1448, following a period of political, social, and environmental turbulence that in many ways echoed the collapse of the Classic period in the southern Maya region. flourishing.[87]​ During the Late Postclassic, the Yucatán Peninsula was divided into several independent provinces that shared a common culture, but varied in their internal sociopolitical organization.[91]​ On the eve of the Spanish conquest, several powerful Mayan states dominated the highlands of Guatemala.[92]​ The Quiché "Quiché (ethnicity)") had forged a small empire that covered a large part of the western highlands of Guatemala and the coastal plain of the Pacific. However, in the decades before the Spanish conquest, the Kaqchikel kingdom had been eroding the Quiche kingdom.[93]

Period of contact and Spanish conquest (1511-1697 AD)

In 1517, a Spanish caravel was shipwrecked in the Caribbean, and about a dozen survivors made landfall on the coast of Yucatán. They were captured by a Mayan lord, and most were sacrificed, although two managed to escape. From 1517 to 1519, three independent Spanish expeditions explored the coasts of Yucatán, and Tabasco, in the latter in 1519 they engaged in a series of battles with the Mayan inhabitants,[94] Highlighting the Battle of Centla against the Chontal Mayans of Potonchán, which was the first major battle of the Spanish in what would later become New Spain.

After the fall of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlán, in 1521, Hernán Cortés sent Pedro de Alvarado to Guatemala with a cavalry of 180 mounted men, an infantry of 300 soldiers, 4 cannons and thousands of allied warriors from central Mexico;[95]​ they arrived in Soconusco in 1523.[96]​ Alvarado conquered the capital of the Quiche kingdom, Q'umarkaj, in 1524.[97] Shortly thereafter, the Spanish were invited as allies in Iximché, the capital city of the Kaqchikel kingdom.[98]​ Good relations did not last due to excessive tax demands in gold on the part of the Spanish, and the city was abandoned a few months later.[99]​ This was followed by the fall of Zaculeu, the Mam capital, in 1525.[100]​ Francisco de Montejo and his son, Francisco de Montejo "el Mozo" "Francisco de Montejo (the Younger)"), launched a long series of campaigns against the Mayan cities of the Yucatán Peninsula in 1527, and finally completed the conquest of the northern part of the peninsula in 1546.[101] Only the Mayan kingdoms of the Petén basin remained independent.[102] In 1697, Martín de Urzúa launched a assault against the Itzá capital, Nojpetén, which culminated in the fall of the last independent Mayan city.[103]​.

Persistence of Mayan culture

The Spanish conquest eliminated most of the defining features of the Mayan civilization, as the missionaries who accompanied these expeditions saw them as an obstacle to their work of evangelization.[104] However, many Mayan villages remained distant from Spanish viceregal authority, and largely continued to manage their own affairs. Rural Mayan communities, and the nuclear family, maintained their traditional daily life.[105]​ The cultivation of staple foods, such as corn and beans, continued, although agricultural production was improved with the introduction of steel tools. The production of traditional crafts, such as weaving, ceramics and basket weaving, was also maintained. Community markets and trade in local products continued long after the conquest. Occasionally, the viceregal administration encouraged the traditional economy in order to extract tribute in the form of pottery or cotton textiles, although these were generally made to European specifications. Mayan religious beliefs and languages ​​persisted, despite great efforts to eliminate them by Catholic religious people.[106]​ The tzolk'in, the 260-day ritual calendar, remains in use in modern Mayan communities in the highlands of Guatemala and Chiapas,[107]​ and millions of speakers of Mayan languages ​​inhabit the territory in which their ancestors developed their civilization.[108]​.

Agents of the Catholic Church wrote detailed accounts of the Mayans to support their efforts at evangelization and absorption into the Spanish Empire.[109] This was followed by several Spanish priests and viceregal officials leaving descriptions of the ruins they visited in Yucatan and Central America.[110] In 1839, the American writer and traveler John Lloyd Stephens visited several Mayan city ruin sites, along with the English architect and draftsman Frederick Catherwood.[111]​ The publication of the illustrated accounts of the ruins provoked great interest, and brought the Mayan civilization to the world's attention.[109]​ The second half of the century saw the recording and recovery of ethnohistorical accounts of the Mayans, and the first steps were taken in the decipherment of the Mayan glyphs.[112]​.

During the last two decades of the century, modern scientific archeology began in the Mayan region, with the meticulous work of Alfred Maudslay and Teoberto Maler.[113]​ At the beginning of the century, the Peabody Museum decided to sponsor excavations in Copan and the Yucatán Peninsula.[114]​ In the first two decades of the century, progress was made in the decipherment of the Mayan calendar, as well as in the identification of deities, dates, and concepts. religious.[115]​ From the 1930s onwards, the pace of archaeological exploration increased considerably, and large-scale excavations were carried out throughout the Mayan region.[116]​.

In the 1960s, the distinguished Mayanist J. Eric S. Thompson promoted the idea that Mayan cities were essentially vacant ceremonial centers serving a dispersed population in the jungle, and that the Mayan civilization would have been ruled by peaceful astronomer-priests. Tatiana Proskouriakoff and Yuri Knorozov.[118]​ With advances in the understanding of Mayan writing that were achieved from the 1950s onwards, the texts revealed the warlike activities of the classical Mayan kings, and the idea that the Mayans were peaceful could no longer be sustained.[119]​ Careful investigations of the settlement pattern of Mayan cities revealed evidence of large urban populations, putting an end to the center model vacant ceremonial.[120]​.

Unlike the Aztecs and Incas, the Mayan political system never incorporated the entire Mayan cultural area into a single state or empire. Rather, throughout its history, the Mayan area was made up of a mixture of varying political complexity that included both states and chiefdoms. The links between these political entities fluctuated greatly, as they were involved in a complex web of rivalries, periods of domination or submission, vassalage and alliances. Occasionally, some political entities achieved regional dominance, such as Calakmul, El Caracol "El Caracol (Belize)"), Mayapán, and Tikal.

The first reliable evidence of the existence of political entities in the Mayan lowlands dates back to the century BC. C.[121]​ During the Late Preclassic, the Mayan political system evolved into a theopolitical form, where elite ideology justified the authority of the ruler, and was reinforced by the public display of rituals and religion.[122]​ The divine king was the center of political power, and exercised absolute control over the administrative, economic, judicial, and military functions of the political entity. The divine authority of the ruler was such that the king had the power to mobilize both aristocracy and commoners for the execution of large construction projects, apparently without resorting to a police force or a standing army.[123] Some political entities used the strategy of expanding the administration and filling administrative positions with loyal followers rather than blood relatives.[124] Within a political entity, medium-sized population centers would have played a key role in managing resources and the management of internal conflicts.[125]​.

The Mayan political landscape was very complex, and Mayan elites used political intrigue to obtain economic and social advantages over their neighbors.[126] In the Late Classic, some political entities achieved a long period of domination over other large political entities, such as El Caracol's dominance over Naranjo "El Naranjo (Guatemala)") for half a century. In other cases, networks of loose alliances formed around a dominant city.[127] Frontier settlements often changed alliances over the course of their history; They were generally found halfway between the capitals of rival political entities, and at different times they could ally themselves with one or another of their dominant neighbors, or act independently.[128] The capitals of the dominant political entities demanded tribute in the form of luxury goods from the subjugated population centers.[129] Mayan political power was reinforced by military power, and the capture and humiliation of enemy warriors played an important role in the culture of the elite. A prevailing sense of pride and honor among the warrior aristocracy could give rise to widespread disputes and vendettas, resulting in political instability and fragmentation of political entities.[130]

Contenido

A partir del Preclásico Temprano, la sociedad maya se caracterizaba por una estricta división entre la élite y los plebeyos. Con el crecimiento de la población en el curso del tiempo, varios sectores de la sociedad se volvieron cada vez más especializados y la organización política se hizo cada vez más compleja.[131]​ Por el Clásico Tardío, cuando la población había crecido considerablemente, y cientos de ciudades estaban conectados en una compleja red de jerarquías políticas, se multiplicó el segmento de los ricos en la sociedad maya.[132]​ También puede haberse desarrollado una clase media, compuesta de artesanos, funcionarios y sacerdotes de bajo rango, comerciantes y soldados. Los plebeyos incluían campesinos, sirvientes, obreros y esclavos.[133]​ De acuerdo a los relatos indígenas, la tierra era propiedad comunal de las casas nobles, o clanes. Los clanes sostenían que la tierra era propiedad de los antepasados del clan, y los vínculos entre la tierra y los ancestros fueron reforzadas por el entierro de los muertos dentro de los complejos residenciales de cada clan.[134]​.

king and court

The classical Mayan state was centered on a royal culture that had expression in all areas of classical Mayan art. The king was the supreme ruler, and had a semi-divine status that allowed him to act as a mediator between the realm of the gods and that of mortals. From ancient times, kings were specifically identified with the young corn god, whose gift of corn formed the basis of Mesoamerican civilization. Succession to the throne was patrilineal, and royal power was only transferred to queens" if there was no other option to avoid the extinction of the dynasty. Power was usually transferred to the eldest son. A young prince was called ch'ok ("young man"), although later, this word referred to the nobility in general. The heir to the royal throne was known as b'aah ch'ok ("chief young man"). young prince were marked by rituals; the most important was a bloodshed ceremony at the age of five or six. Although membership in the royal bloodline was considered of utmost importance, the heir also had to excel as a war leader, which he could demonstrate by taking prisoners of war. The enthronement of a new king was an elaborate ceremony, composed of a series of different acts, including the enthronement on a cushion of jaguar skin, human sacrifice, and the granting of symbols of royal power, such as a diadem bearing a jade representation of the so-called "jester god", an elaborate headdress, adorned with quetzal feathers, and a scepter with the representation of the god K'awiil).[136]

The Mayan political administration, based around the royal court, did not have a bureaucratic character. The government was hierarchical and official positions were sponsored by high-ranking members of the aristocracy; officials tended to be promoted to higher positions during the course of their lives. Officials were referred to as being the "property" of their sponsor, and this relationship would continue even after the death of the sponsor.[137]​ The Mayan royal court was a vibrant and dynamic political institution.[138]​ It had no fixed structure, but rather each political entity formed a royal court adapted to its own context.[139]​ Epigraphers who translated classical Mayan inscriptions managed to identify a number of royal and noble titles. Ajaw is generally translated as "lord" or "king." In the Early Classic, the ajaw was the ruler of a city. Later, with increasing social complexity, ajaw referred to a member of the ruling class; a major city might have more than one ajaw, each ruling different districts of the city.[140] Supreme rulers distinguished themselves from the extended nobility by prefixing the word k'uhul to their ajaw title. The title k'uhul ajaw, or "divine lord", was initially reserved for the kings of the most prestigious and ancient royal dynasties.[141] Kalomte was a royal title, the exact meaning of which has not yet been deciphered, that was only used by the most powerful kings of the strongest dynasties. It referred to an overlord, or High King, a title that was only in use during the Classic period.[142]​ By the Late Classic, the absolute power of the ajaw k'uhul was weakened after the diversification of the political system with the inclusion of a broader aristocracy, which at that time may have been disproportionate.[143]​.

The title sajal was placed below that of ajaw, and referred to a servile lord. A sajal would be a second or third level city lord, submissive to an ajaw, who in turn would be subordinate to a kalomte.[140] The sajal was often a war captain, or a regional governor, and Mayan inscriptions often link the title of sajal to war; They are frequently mentioned as owners of prisoners of war.[145] The meaning of Sajal was "the feared one."[146] The titles of ah tz'ihb and ah ch'ul hun were linked to the scribes. The ah tz'ihb was a royal scribe, usually a member of the royal family; The ah ch'ul hun was the Guardian of the Holy Books, a title closely associated with that of ajaw, indicating that only an ajaw could bear the title ah Ch'ul hun.[147] Other court titles, whose functions are not well known, were yajaw k'ahk ("The Lord of Fire"), ti'huun and ti'sakhuun. These last two could be variations of the same title,[148] and Mark Zender suggested that their holder may have been the ruler's spokesman.[149] The vast majority of court titles were male, and on those rare occasions when they were applied to a woman, they appear to have been used as honorific titles for female royalty.[150] In glyphic inscriptions from classical cities, members of the elite were frequently associated with certain structures. architectural, which may indicate that the holders of these offices were the owners of these structures, or that certain structures were important focuses for their activities.[151]​ The lakam was possibly the only holder of an office at the royal court who did not belong to the elite.[137]​ There was only one lakam in the larger cities, and he was apparently responsible for the collection of tribute from the local districts.[137]​.

Commoners

It is estimated that commoners comprised more than 90% of the population, but relatively little is known about them. Their houses were generally built of perishable materials, the remains of which left few traces in the archaeological record. Some commoner homes were built on low platforms that can be identified, but this was not the case for most houses. Detection of these low-status dwellings is only possible with the large-scale use of remote sensing to investigate seemingly empty plots of land.[152] The range of commoners was very wide; It was composed of all non-noble people, from the poorest farmers to wealthy artisans and commoners who served in bureaucratic positions.[153] Commoners engaged in essential production activities, including that of products intended for the elite, such as cotton and cocoa, as well as subsistence crops for their own use, and utilitarian items such as pottery and stone tools.[154] Commoners also participated in the wars, and could advance socially by being recognized as outstanding warriors.[155]​ Commoners paid taxes to the elite in the form of staple goods, such as corn flour and bushmeat.[129]​ It is likely that hardworking commoners who showed initiative and possessed exceptional skills could become influential members of Mayan society.[156]​.

La guerra era común en el mundo maya. Se pusieron en marcha campañas militares por diferentes razones, incluyendo el control de las rutas comerciales y tributo, incursiones para tomar prisioneros, o una escalación de la guerra hasta alcanzar la destrucción completa de un estado enemigo. Poco se sabe acerca de la organización militar maya, ni de la logística y formación militar. La guerra es representada en el arte maya del periodo Clásico, y las batallas y victorias son mencionadas en las inscripciones glíficas.[157]​ Sin embargo, las inscripciones no proporcionan información sobre las causas de la guerra, o la forma que tomó.[158]​ En los siglos y , una guerra intensiva culminó en la caída de los reinos de la región de Petexbatún en el oeste de Petén.[158]​ El rápido abandono de Aguateca por sus habitantes, ofreció la inesperada oportunidad de examinar los restos del armamento maya in situ.[159]​ Enemigos desconocidos atacaron Aguateca alrededor de 810 d. C., superaron sus formidables defensas y quemaron el palacio real. Los habitantes de la élite de la ciudad huyeron o fueron capturados, y nunca regresaron para recuperar su propiedades abandonadas. Los habitantes de la periferia abandonaron el lugar poco después. Esto es un ejemplo de una guerra intensiva llevada a cabo con el fin de eliminar por completo un estado rival, en lugar de someterlo. La investigación en Aguateca indicó que los guerreros del periodo Clásico eran principalmente miembros de la élite.[160]​.

Ya desde el período Preclásico, se esperaba que el gobernante de una entidad política maya fuese un líder de guerra distinguido, y a menudo se le representaba con cabezas trofeo colgando de su cinturón. En el período clásico, tales cabezas trofeo ya no aparecieron al cinturón del rey; más bien, los reyes del período Clásico fueron frecuentemente representados parado sobre los prisioneros de guerra humillados.[157]​ Hasta finales del período Posclásico, los reyes mayas dirigían como comandantes de guerra. Las inscripciones mayas del periodo Clásico mostraron que el rey derrotado podría ser capturado, torturado y sacrificado.[155]​ Los españoles relataron que los líderes mayas mantenían registro de los movimientos de tropas en libros pintados.[161]​ El resultado de una exitosa campaña militar podría variar en su impacto sobre la entidad política derrotada. En algunos casos, ciudades enteras fueron saqueadas y nunca más reasentadas, como ocurrió en Aguateca.[162]​ En otros casos, los vencedores se apoderaron de los gobernantes derrotados, sus familias y las representaciones de sus dioses patronos. Los nobles capturados y sus familias podrían ser encarcelados o sacrificados. El resultado menos severo de la gama de posibilidades sería que la entidad política derrotada se viera obligada a pagar tributo al vencedor.[163]​.

Warriors

From the period of contact with the Spanish it is known that certain military positions were limited to members of the aristocracy, and that they were transmitted by patrilineal succession. It is likely that the holder of a specific military position taught his successor the specialized knowledge inherent in the position, including strategy, ritual, and war dances.[155] Mayan armies of the period of contact with the Spanish were highly disciplined, and warriors participated in regular drills and training exercises; all healthy adult males were available for military service. The Mayan states did not maintain standing armies; The warriors were gathered by local officials who responded to the war leaders. There were also full-time mercenary units that followed the permanent leaders.[164]​ However, most warriors did not serve full-time, and were primarily farmers, who usually devoted themselves to their crops rather than engaging in warfare.[165]​ Typically, the goal of Mayan warfare was not the destruction of the enemy, but rather the taking of prisoners and looting.[166]​.

There is some evidence that, beginning in the Classical period, women had certain supporting roles in warfare, but did not act as military officers, with the exception of those rare instances when a queen was the supreme ruler.[168] By the Postclassic, native chronicles suggest that women sometimes fought on the battlefield.[155]

Arms

The atlatl "Propulsor (weapon)") (dart launcher) was introduced to the Mayan region by Teotihuacán in the Early Classic.[169]​ The atlatl is a stick 0.5 m long, with one end notched to hold a dart "Dart (weapon)") or javelin.[170]​ The stick was used to launch the missile with more force and precision than could be achieved by simply throwing with the arm.[169]​ The stone points recovered in Aguateca indicate that darts and spears were the main weapons of the Mayan warrior of the Classic period.[171]​ The commoners used blowpipes as a weapon of war, which were also used for hunting.[169]​.

The bow and arrow was another weapon used by the ancient Mayans, both for war and hunting.[158]​ Although it was used in the Mayan region during the Classic period, its use as a weapon of war was not favored,[172]​ and it did not become a common weapon of war until the Postclassic.[169]​ During the period of contact with the Spanish, the Mayans also used a weapon similar to the greatsword, made of strong wood with sharp blades of obsidian,[173]​ similar to the Aztec macuahuitl. Mayan warriors wore body armor made from padded cotton that had been soaked in salt water to harden it; The resulting armor compared favorably to the steel armor used by the Spanish during the conquest.[174] Warriors carried shields of wood or leather, decorated with feathers and animal skins.[165]

Trade

Trade was a key component of Mayan society, and essential to the development of the Mayan civilization. The cities that grew to become the most important usually controlled access to vital trade goods, or shipping routes. Cities such as Kaminaljuyú and Q'umarkaj in the Guatemalan highlands, and El Tazumal in El Salvador, variously controlled access to obsidian deposits at different times in Mayan history. The most important cities in the north of the Yucatan Peninsula controlled access to salt sources.[175] During the Postclassic, the Mayans were involved in a flourishing slave trade in the Mesoamerican region.[176]

The Mayans of Tabasco carried out an intense commercial exchange that spans from the Classic to the Postclassic Mayan period (from 600 AD to 900 AD), through an extensive river communication network, which would make them the great merchants of the Mesoamerican region. Mesoamerica. This is evident when yokes, axes and lithic materials from Veracruz, Hidalgo and Guatemala were discovered, as well as iconography from the central highlands, copper axes from what is now Michoacán, as well as stone and amate paper crushers originating from the current area of Puebla. Comalcalco.[75]​.

The cities of eastern Tabasco were also important commercial centers, San Claudio "San Claudio (archaeological site)") was an important export center for arrowheads made of flint which were marketed to many cities, some as far away as Nito in Guatemala and Naco in Honduras. Moral Reforma "Moral Reforma (archaeological zone)"), Pomoná and Panhalé were river ports through which the Mayans controlled the passage of goods from the mountains of the Guatemalan Petén to the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. In the postclassic period, Potonchán was an important commercial port, which exchanged goods from the central Altiplano to the Honduran coast, while Xonuta was a large ceramic manufacturing center, the merchandise was marketed to many distant cities such as Chactemal and Bakhalal on the Caribbean coast.

The Mayans engaged in long-distance trade in the Mayan region, Mesoamerica, and beyond. In Mesoamerica, trade routes were primarily centered on central Mexico and the Gulf Coast. In the Early Classic, Chichén Itzá was the center of an extensive trading network that imported gold records from Colombia and Panama, turquoise from Los Cerrillos (New Mexico) "Los Cerrillos (New Mexico)"). Long-distance trade in luxury and utilitarian goods was probably controlled by the royal family. Prestige goods obtained through trade were used for consumption by the city's ruler, and as luxury presents to cement the loyalty of vassals and allies.[175]​ In the distant metropolis of Teotihuacán, in central Mexico, a section for Mayan merchants was identified dating to the Early Classic.[178]​.

Trade routes not only allowed the exchange of goods, but also facilitated the exchange of people and ideas throughout Mesoamerica.[179] Changes in trade routes occurred as a function of the rise and fall of major cities in the Mayan region, and occurred during each major reorganization of the Mayan civilization, such as the rise of the Preclassic Maya civilization, the transition to the Classic, and the collapse of the Terminal Classic.[175] Even the Spanish conquest did not put an end to it. immediately to all Mayan commercial activity;[175]​ for example, the Manché Choles of the conquest period exchanged prestigious crops such as cocoa, annatto "Achiote (spice)") and vanilla in the viceregal area of Verapaz.[180]​.

Little is known about the Mayan merchants, although they were depicted on Mayan ceramics in fine, noble clothing. Therefore it is known that at least some merchants were members of the elite. The Mayan nobility is also known to have participated in long-distance trading expeditions during the period of contact with the Spanish.[181] Most merchants belonged to the middle class and were primarily engaged in local and regional trade rather than the prestigious long-distance trade that was rather the exclusive domain of the elite.[182] Trading voyages in dangerous foreign territories were compared to a passage through the underworld; The patron deities of the merchants were two gods of the underworld") carrying backpacks. When the merchants left to travel, they were heavily armed and painted black, like their patron deities.[178]

The Mayans did not have pack animals, so all commercial products were carried on the backs of porters when they went overland; If the trade route followed the course of a river or the coast, products were transported in canoes.[183] ​​Christopher Columbus encountered a long Mayan trading canoe along the coast of Honduras during his fourth voyage. The canoe had been made from a long hollowed trunk and had a roof of palm leaves. It was 2.5 m wide and was propelled by 25 rowers. It transported commercial products such as cocoa, obsidian, ceramics, textiles, axes and copper bells, as well as food and drinks for the crew.[184] Cocoa was used as currency (although not exclusively), and its value was such that it was sometimes counterfeited by removing the meat from the pod, replacing it with soil or avocado peel.[185]

Markets are difficult to identify in the archaeological record.[186] However, the Spanish reported a thriving market economy when they arrived in the region.[187] In some Classic period cities, archaeologists tentatively identified masonry architectural structures in formal arcade style and parallel alignments of scattered stones as the permanent bases of market stalls.[188] A 2007 study analyzed the soils of a modern Guatemalan market and compared the results with those obtained from the analysis at a possible ancient market at Chunchucmil "Chunchucmil (archaeological site)"). Unusually high levels of phosphorus and zinc were found at both sites, indicating the existence of similar food production and vegetable sales activity. The calculated density of market stalls at Chunchucmil suggests that a thriving market economy existed in the Early Classic. officials to resolve disputes, enforce regulations, and collect taxes.[191]​.

Agriculture

The ancient Mayans had varied and sophisticated methods for food production. Previously, swidden agriculture (slash and burn) was believed to provide most of the food,[192] but today permanent raised fields, terraced fields, intensive gardening/horticulture, forest gardens and managed fallows are also thought to have been crucial in supporting the large populations of the Classic period in some areas.[193] Evidence of these different agricultural systems persists into the present; for example, aerial photography is possible. distinguish raised fields connected by canals.[194]​ In areas that had been densely populated in pre-Columbian times, the contemporary composition of jungle species shows a significantly greater abundance of species with economic value to the ancient Maya,[195]​ and records of pollen in lake sediments in Mesoamerica suggest that, since at least 2500 BC, corn, cassava, sunflower, cotton, and other plants, they were grown in association with deforestation.[196][197]​.

The basic foods of the Mayan diet were corn, beans, and pumpkins. These were complemented by a wide variety of other plants, grown in gardens or collected in the jungle. As a result of a volcanic eruption at Joya de Cerén, a record was preserved of the foods stored in Mayan homes, which included chili peppers and tomatoes. Cotton seeds were in the process of being ground, possibly to produce cooking oil. In addition to basic foods, the Mayans also produced prestigious crops, such as cotton, cocoa, and vanilla. Cocoa was especially prized by the elite, who consumed chocolate drinks.[198]​ Cotton was spun, dyed and woven to produce valuable textiles for trade.[199]​.

The Mayans had few domestic animals; "Dogs" were domesticated by 3000 BC, and the Muscovy duck by the Late Postclassic.[200] Ocellated turkeys were not suitable for domestication, but were captured in the wild and caged for fattening. All of these animals were intended for consumption; dogs were also used for hunting. It is possible that deer were also penned for fattening.[201]

Mayan art is essentially the art of the royal court. It deals almost exclusively with the Mayan elite and their world. Mayan art, made from perishable and non-perishable materials, served to connect the Mayans with their ancestors. Although surviving Mayan art only constitutes a small portion of what the Mayans created, it deals with a wider variety of themes than any other art tradition in the Americas.

The Mayans showed a preference for the color green or blue-green, and used the same word for the colors blue and green. Consequently, they placed a high value on green jade and other green stones&action=edit&redlink=1 "Green Stones (Archaeology) (not yet redacted)"), associating them with the Sun god K'inich Ajau. They sculpted artifacts ranging from fine beads and tesserae to carved heads weighing 4.42 kg.[207] The Mayan nobility practiced dental modification, and some lords wore jade inlays in their teeth. Mosaic funerary masks could also be made of jade, such as that of K'inich Janaab' Pakal, the king of Palenque.[208]​.

Mayan stone sculpture emerged in the archaeological record as a fully developed tradition, suggesting that it may have evolved from the tradition of wood sculpture.[210] Due to the biodegradability of wood, the corpus of wood work has almost completely disappeared. The few wooden artifacts that have survived include three-dimensional sculptures and panels with glyphs. Stone stelae are common at city sites, often paired with low circular stones, known as "altars" in the literature of Mayan archaeology. Stone sculpture also took other forms, such as the limestone "Relieve (art)") relief panels found at Palenque and Piedras Negras "Piedras". Negras (archaeological site)").[213]​ Stone stairs decorated with sculptures were also found in sites such as Yaxchilán, Dos Pilas, Copán, among others.[214]​ The Copán glyph staircase is made up of 2,200 individual glyphs and constitutes the longest known Mayan glyphic text.[215]​.

The largest Mayan sculptures were architectural facades made with stucco. The rough shape was set on a smooth plaster covering on the wall, and the three-dimensional shape was built with small stones. Finally, this was covered with stucco and molded into the final shape; The shapes of the human body were first modeled in stucco and then the costumes were added. Finally, the stucco sculpture was painted in bright colors.[216] By the Late Preclassic, temple facades were adorned with giant stucco masks, and this type of decoration continued throughout the Classic period.[217]

The Mayans had a long tradition of mural painting; Exquisite polychrome murals dating from between 300 and 200 BC were excavated at San Bartolo "San Bartolo (archaeological site)". C.[218]​ The polychrome designs were painted on walls covered in smooth plaster. Most of these murals no longer exist, but several preserved murals—painted in cream, red, and black—were found in Early Classic period tombs at Caracol, Río Azul "Río Azul (site)"), and Tikal. Among the best preserved murals, a series of large paintings from the Late Classic in Bonampak stands out.[219]​.

Generally, flint, flint, and obsidian served utilitarian purposes in Mayan culture, but many pieces were also found that were finely crafted into shapes that were never intended to be used as tools.[221]​ Eccentric flints are among the finest lithic artifacts produced by the ancient Maya.[222]​ In technical terms, they were very difficult to produce,[223]​ and required skill. considerable on the part of the craftsman. The largest obsidian eccentrics can be up to more than 30 cm in length.[224]​ Their shape can vary considerably, but they typically depict human figures, animals, and geometric shapes associated with the Mayan religion.[223]​ The eccentric flints show a wide variety of shapes, such as crescents, crosses, snakes, and scorpions.[225]​ The largest and most elaborate examples show multiple human heads of which some Sometimes smaller heads are detached.[226]​.

Mayan textiles are poorly represented in the archaeological record, although—compared to other pre-Columbian cultures, such as the Aztecs and the Andean region—they were likely high-value items.[227] Archaeologists recovered some textile fragments, but the best evidence for textile art is their representation in other media, such as murals or painted pottery. These secondary representations show the elite of the Mayan court adorned in sumptuous fabrics; In general, these would have been made of cotton, but jaguar skins and deer hides are also shown.[228]​.

Ceramics are the most common type of Mayan art in the archaeological record. The Mayans had no knowledge of the potter's wheel, and the vessels were made with the roll-warping technique&action=edit&redlink=1 "Roll (ceramic) (not yet written)") to obtain the desired shape. Mayan pottery was not glazed, although it often had a fine finish, produced by burnishing. It was painted with a clay bath mixed with minerals and colorful clays. The cooking techniques of the ancient Maya have not yet been replicated.[229] A number of extremely fine ceramic figurines were found in Late Classic tombs on the island of Jaina, northern Yucatán. They stand at a height between and were modeled by hand in great detail.[230] The Ik style polychrome ceramic corpus, including finely painted plates and cylindrical vessels, originated in the Late Classic at Motul de San José. It includes a number of features, such as glyphs painted in a pale pink or red color and scenes of masked dancers. One of the most distinctive features is the realistic representation of the themes, as they appeared in real life. The subjects of the vessels included the court life of the Petén region, in the century AD, such as diplomatic meetings, festivals, ritual bloodshed, scenes of warriors and the sacrifice of prisoners of war.[231]

Bone material, both human and animal, was also sculpted; the human bones may have been trophies, or relics of ancestors.[210]​ The Mayans valued shells of the genus Spondylus, and worked them to remove the white exterior and spines, and reveal the fine orange interior.[232]​ Around the century AD. C., metallurgy reached Mesoamerica from South America and the Mayans began to create small objects of gold, silver and copper. They generally worked the sheets of metal by hammering them into objects such as beads, rattles, and discs. In the last centuries before the Spanish conquest, the Mayans began to use the lost wax method to cast small pieces of metal.[233]​.

An understudied area of Mayan folk art is that of graffiti.[234] Additional graffiti, which was not part of the intended decoration, was etched into the stucco of interior walls, floors, and benches, in a wide variety of buildings, including temples, residences, and warehouses. Graffiti was found at 51 Mayan sites, primarily in the Petén Basin, southern Campeche, and the Chenes region&action=edit&redlink=1 "Chenes (Mayan architecture) (not yet redacted)") in northwestern Yucatan. At Tikal, a large quantity of graffiti was found, the subject matter of which included drawings of temples, people, deities, animals, banners, litters, and thrones. Often the graffiti was carelessly etched, and the drawings overlapped each other and showed a mixture of crude, unrefined art and examples by artists familiar with the artistic conventions of the period. Classic.[235]​.

Los mayas produjeron una gran variedad de estructuras arquitectónicas y dejaron un extenso legado arquitectónico, que sitúan a la civilización maya entre las grandes civilizaciones preindustriales del mundo. No obstante se trató de una arquitectura poco audaz, por lo limitado de sus recursos constructivos y por no usar herramientas metálicas ni metal en sus construcciones.[236]​ Tampoco aprovecharon las capacidades mecánicas de la piedra, ya que todavía no habían descubierto el arco de medio punto y la bóveda de cañón, sino que para ambos usaron la técnica de aproximación.[236]​ La arquitectura maya también incorpora textos jeroglíficos y varias formas de arte. La arquitectura de mampostería de los mayas es evidencia de la existencia de especialización artesanal en la sociedad maya, así como una organización centralizada y los medios políticos para movilizar una gran fuerza de trabajo. Se estima que para la construcción de una gran residencia de élite en Copán se necesitaba unos 10 686 días-hombre; en comparación, para la vivienda de un plebeyo se necesitaba aproximadamente 67 días-hombre.[237]​ Se estima además que el 65 % de la mano de obra requerida para construir una residencia noble fue utilizado para la extracción, el transporte, y el acabado de la piedra, y que se utilizó el 24 % de la mano de obra para la fabricación y aplicación del revestimiento de yeso. En total, se estima que se necesitaba dos o tres meses para la construcción de la residencia de un noble en Copán, utilizando entre 80 y 130 trabajadores a tiempo completo. Una ciudad del periodo Clásico como Tikal tenía una extensión de 20 km² y un núcleo urbano que cubrió 6 km². La mano de obra necesaria para construir una ciudad de este tamaño era inmensa, hasta muchos millones de días-hombre.[238]​ Las estructuras más grandes construidas por los mayas, fueron erigidas durante el período Preclásico.[239]​ Hacia el Preclásico Tardío la especialización artesanal requerida habría incluido a albañiles y yeseros dedicados, así como planificadores y arquitectos.[238]​.

urban design

Mayan cities were not formally planned and were subject to irregular expansion, leading to the unstructured addition of palaces, temples, and other buildings.[240] Most Mayan cities showed a tendency to grow outward from the center, and upward as new structures were superimposed on previous ones.

Materials and construction methods

The Mayans built their cities with Neolithic technology;[241] architectural structures were built from stone and perishable materials. The type of stone used in masonry construction varied according to the local resources available, which also influenced the style of construction. Limestone was available over a wide swath of the Mayan region.[242] Local limestone is relatively soft when freshly cut, but hardens with exposure to the environment. There was a great variety in the quality of limestone; Good quality stone was available in the Usumacinta region. In northern Yucatán, the limestone used for construction was of relatively low quality.[241]​ In Copán, volcanic tuff was used, and in Quiriguá, local sandstone.[242]​ Comalcalco did not have suitable stone nearby,[243]​ and fired brick was used.[242]​ To produce cement, plaster, and stucco, the limestone was burned at high temperatures. temperatures.[243] Lime-based cement was used to fix the stone in place, and the stone blocks were cut by abrasion with ropes and water, and with obsidian tools. The Mayans did not employ a functional wheel, and all loads were transported on litters, barges, or rolled into logs. Heavy loads were lifted with a rope, probably without using pulleys.[241]​.

Wood was used for beams and lintels, even in masonry structures.[244] Throughout Mayan history, common huts, and some of the temples, were built with wooden poles and straw. Adobe was also used, a mixture of mud reinforced with straw, which was applied as a covering to the walls of woven sticks. Like wood and straw, adobe construction was used throughout Mayan history, even after the development of masonry construction. In the south of the Mayan region, adobe was also used for monumental architecture if suitable stone was not available nearby.[243]​.

Main types of construction

The great cities of the Mayan civilization had pyramidal temples, palaces, fields for ball games, sacbeob (roads), patios and plazas. Some cities also had hydraulic systems or extensive defensive walls. The exterior of most buildings was painted, either in one or several colors, or with images. Many buildings were adorned with sculptures or painted stucco reliefs.[245]​.

These complexes were normally located in the center of the city, next to a main square. The Mayan palaces consisted of a platform that supported a structure of several rooms. The term acropolis, in the Mayan context, refers to a complex of structures built on platforms with different heights. The palaces and acropolis were essentially residential areas of the elite. They typically spread horizontally, unlike the tall Mayan pyramids, and often had a limited number of access points. Some structures of the acropolis supported crestings. The rooms often had stone benches, which were used for sleeping, and holes in the walls where curtains were hung. Larger palaces, such as at Palenque, could have their own water supply and steam baths that were often found within the complex, or nearby. During the Early Classic, rulers were sometimes buried beneath the Acropolis complex.[247] Some of the rooms in the palaces were throne rooms; The royal palace of Palenque had a number of throne rooms that were used for important events, including the inauguration of the new king.[248]

In general, the palaces, sometimes adorned with sculptures, were arranged around one or several courtyards, the facades facing inward.[249] Some palaces had glyphic descriptions that identified them as the royal residences of certain rulers. There is abundant evidence that palaces were much more than simply residences of the elite, and that they were rather the centers of a range of courtly activities, including audiences, formal receptions, and important rituals.[250]

Glyphic texts sometimes refer to temples as k'uh nah, meaning "house of God." Temples were built on top of platforms, and mainly on top of pyramids. The first temples were probably huts built on low platforms. By the Late Preclassic, temple walls were made of stone, and the development of the Mayan arch allowed the construction of stone roofs. By the classical period, temple roofs were covered with crests that extended their height and served as a basis for monumental art. The temple sanctuary contained between one and three rooms, dedicated to important deities, such as one of the city's patron gods, or a deified ancestor.[252]

The Mayans were keen observers of the Sun, stars, and planets.[253] They built temples with a special arrangement—known as Groups E")—whose occurrence was relatively common in the Mayan region;[254] they take their name from Group E at Uaxactún.[255] It consisted of three small structures in front of a fourth structure, and was used to mark the solstices and equinoxes. The earliest examples date back to the Preclassic.[254]​ The Lost World complex at Tikal was initially a Group E built in the late Middle Preclassic.[256]​ By its nature, the basic design of a Group E did not change over time. A structure was built on the west side of a plaza, usually a radial pyramid with stairs oriented towards the cardinal points. It was located to the west of the plaza, in front of three small temples located on the opposite side. on these temples during the solstices and equinoxes.[253]​ The E Groups were built throughout the central and southern Maya region for more than a millennium; not all were correctly aligned as observatories, and their function may have been symbolic.[257]​.

Regional architectural styles

Although Mayan cities shared many characteristics, there was considerable variation in architectural style.[276] These styles were influenced by locally available building materials, climate, topography, and local preferences. By the Late Classic, these local differences had developed into different regional architectural styles.[277]​.

The architectural style of central Petén, better known as "Petén style", developed in the large city of Tikal. The style is characterized by tall pyramids that support a sanctuary adorned with a cresting, with a single entrance. Other features include the combination of the stele and paired altar, as well as the decoration of architectural facades, lintels, and crestings with relief sculptures of rulers and deities.[277] One of the best examples of the architectural style of central Petén is the Temple of the Great Jaguar.[278] Other examples of the Petén style include Altun Ha, Calakmul, Holmul, Ixkún, Nakum, Naranjo, and Yaxhá.[279]​.

Uxmal is the best example of Puuc style architecture. The style developed in the hills of the Puuc region in northwestern Yucatán; during the Terminal Classic it extended beyond this region, throughout the northern Yucatán Peninsula.[277] Puuc style sites replaced rubble cores with gypsum cement, resulting in stronger walls. They also reinforced the Mayan arches,[280]​ which allowed the construction of independent entrance arches. The upper facades of buildings in the center of a city were decorated with pre-cut stones in a mosaic style, forming elaborate compositions of long-nosed deities, such as the rain god Chaac and Itzamna. Ornaments also included geometric patterns, lattices, and spools, possibly influenced by the styles of the Oaxacan highlands, outside the Mayan area. Instead, the lower part of the facades were left undecorated. Crestings were uncommon at Puuc sites.[281]

The Chenes style is very similar to the Puuc style, but it predates the use of mosaic facades from the Puuc region. The style is characterized by completely decorated facades, both the lower and upper parts. Some entrances were surrounded by mosaic masks of monsters representing mountain or sky deities, identifying them as entrances to the supernatural realm.[282] Some buildings had internal stairs to access the different levels.[283] The Chenes style is usually found in the southern part of the Yucatan Peninsula, although it is also possible to find individual buildings in this style in other parts of the peninsula.[282] Examples of cities in the Chenes style include Dzibilnocac, Hochob, Santa Rosa Xtampak") and Tabasqueño "Tabasqueño (archaeological site)").[283]​.

The Río Bec style represents a subregion of the Chenes style,[282] and also includes elements of the Petén style, such as prominent roof ridges.[284] Their palaces are distinctive for their false tower decorations, the absence of interior rooms, steep, almost vertical stairs, and false doors.[285] The towers were adorned with masks of deities, and were built to impress the viewer, rather than serve a practical function. These false towers are only found in the Bec River region.[282]​ Examples of sites in the Bec River style include Chicanná, Hormiguero "Anthill (archaeological site)") and Xpuhil.[284]​.

The historical Mayans did not speak a single language, but rather several languages ​​derived from an ancestral language called Proto-Mayan by linguists and which dates back to around 2000 BC. C.[286]​ Linguistic analysis of the reconstructed vocabulary of Protomayan suggests that it originated in the western or northwestern highlands of Guatemala, although the evidence is not conclusive.[4]​ During the Preclassic period, Protomayan diversified into different languages and several different Mayan subfamilies appeared that constitute the linguistic family, including the Huastecan, Quichean, and Quichean language groups. Kanjobalano-Chujeana, Mameana, Tzeltalano-Cholana, and Yucatecan.[20] These groups diverged during pre-Columbian times to currently consist of more than thirty languages that have survived into modern times.[287] The language of almost all Classic period Maya texts in the entire Maya area has been identified as Classical Choltí;[288] The Preclassic text Late Kaminaljuyú, in the highlands, also appears to be or be related to Classical Choltí or Cholano.[289]​ The use of Classical Choltí in Mayan texts does not necessarily indicate that it was the language used by the local population; rather, it may have been a liturgical or prestige language, equivalent to medieval Latin.[290]​ Classical Choltí may have been the prestige language of the Classic Maya elite, used in communication. between political entities, such as diplomacy and commerce.[291]​ During the Postclassic period, Yucatecan was also used in the Mayan codices, along with classical Choltí.[292]​.

El sistema de escritura maya fue uno de los logros sobresalientes de los habitantes precolombinos de América.[294]​ Fue el sistema de escritura más desarrollado y sofisticado de la docena, o más, de sistemas que surgieron en Mesoamérica.[295]​ No obstante, hay varios lingüistas que niegan que entre las culturas mesoamericanas hubiese alguna escritura con reglas gramaticales de morfología, análisis de palabras por género, número, función u ortografía, así como tampoco un orden establecido para ordenar frases y palabras en modelos que les permitiese componer ideas.[296]​ Las primeras inscripciones identificadas como escritura maya fueron encontradas en la cuenca del Petén y datan de 300-200 a. C.[297]​ Sin embargo, este fue precedido por varios otros sistemas de escritura mesoamericanos, como la escritura epi-olmeca y zapoteca. La escritura maya temprana apareció en la costa del Pacífico de Guatemala a finales del siglo d. C., o principios del siglo .[298]​ Las semejanzas entre la escritura ístmica y la escritura maya temprana de la costa del Pacífico, sugieren que ambos sistemas se desarrollaron en tándem.[299]​ Alrededor del año 250 d. C., la escritura maya se había convertido en un sistema de escritura más consistente y formalizado.[300]​.

La Iglesia católica y los funcionarios coloniales, en particular el obispo Diego de Landa, destruyeron los textos mayas donde los encontraron, y con ello el conocimiento de la escritura maya; no obstante, se preservaron tres libros precolombinos que datan del periodo Posclásico, cuya autenticidad no es discutida. Estos son conocidos como el Códice de Madrid, el Códice Dresde y el Códice de París.[301]​ También se conservaron algunas páginas de un cuarto libro, el Códice Grolier, cuya autenticidad es discutida. Las excavaciones arqueológicas que se están llevando a cabo en los sitios mayas a menudo revelan otros fragmentos, trozos rectangulares de yeso y fragmentos de pintura, que fueron códices; sin embargo, por la descomposición de la mayor parte del material orgánico, estos restos están demasiado dañados para poder identificar cualquier inscripción.[302]​ En referencia a los pocos escritos mayas existentes, Michael D. Coe, un arqueólogo destacado de la Universidad de Yale, comentó:.

La mayor parte de la escritura maya precolombina existente, data del periodo Clásico.

writing system

The Mayan writing system, often called Mayan hieroglyphs because of a superficial resemblance to Egyptian hieroglyphs,[303]​ is a logosyllabic writing system, combining a syllabary "Syllabary (writing system)") of phonetic signs, representing syllables, with logograms representing complete words.[304]​[305]​ Among the writing systems of the pre-Columbian New World, Mayan writing is the system closest to spoken language.[306] At any given time, no more than about five hundred glyphs were used, of which about two hundred (including variations) were phonetic.[304]

Maya writing reached its peak during the Classic Period, and was in use until the arrival of Europeans.[307] More than 10,000 individual texts were recovered, mostly inscriptions on stone monuments, lintels, stelae, and ceramics.[304] The Maya also produced painted texts on a type of paper made from tree bark, now known by its Nahuatl name amatl, which was used for the codices.[308]​[309]​ Knowledge of Mayan writing was preserved among various segments of the population until the Spanish conquest. However, this knowledge was lost due to the impact of the conquest on Mayan society.[310]​.

The decipherment and recovery of knowledge of Mayan writing has been a long and laborious process.[311]​ The first elements that were deciphered, at the end of the century and beginning of the century, were linked to numeration, the calendar, and Mayan astronomy.[312]​ There were important advances between the 1950s and 1970s, and from then on the decipherment process accelerated quickly.[313]​ By the end of the century, scientists could read most Mayan texts, and ongoing work continues to clarify the content of the texts.[314]​[315]​.

glyphic writing

The block of glyphs that transcribes a word or phrase is the basic unit of the Mayan glyphic text. The block is made up of one or more interconnected individual glyphs; Individual glyphic blocks are usually separated by a space. The glyphic blocks are generally arranged in a grid pattern. For ease of reference, epigraphers refer to glyphic blocks from left to right alphabetically, and from top to bottom numerically. This allows any glyphic block to be identified in a text, by its "coordinates": for example, C4 would be the third block from the left, and the fourth block counting down. If a monument or artifact has more than one inscription, the column labels are not repeated, but continue in the alphabetical series; if there are more than 26 columns, labeling continues as A', B', etc. Numeric row labels reset with 1 for each discrete unit of text.[316]​.

Although glyphic text can be arranged in different ways, glyphic blocks are generally structured in double columns. The reading order of the text starts at the top left (block A1), continues to the second block in the second column (B1), then goes down one row and starts again from the left block of the double column (A2), and so on in a zigzag fashion. Once the bottom end is reached, writing continues from the top left of the next double column. If the inscription ends in a single (unpaired) column, this final column is usually read from top to bottom.[317]​.

Individual glyph blocks can be composed of several elements. These include a main sign and a number of affixes. The main sign constitutes the most important element of the block, and can be a noun, verb, adverb, adjective or phonetic sign. Some of the main signs are abstract, others are images of the object they represent, and still others are "head variants", the personification of the word they represent. Affixes are smaller rectangular elements, usually linked to a main sign, although a block can also be composed solely of affixes. Affixes can represent a wide variety of speech elements, including nouns, verbs, verbal suffixes, prepositions, pronouns, and much more. The Mayans also used small sections of a main sign to represent the entire main sign, and Mayan scribes were very inventive in the use and adaptation of glyph elements.[318]

writing tools

Although the archaeological record does not provide examples of brushes or quills, analysis of ink strokes in Postclassic codices suggests that these were applied with a brush with a tip formed from flexible hair.[309] A sculpture from the Classic period in Copán, Honduras, depicts a scribe with an inkwell made from a snail shell.[319] Excavations at Aguateca revealed a number of artifacts from scribes who belonged to the elite, including trowels and mortars "Mortar (utensil)").[160]​.

Scribes and literacy

Most of the normal population were illiterate, the scribes came from the elite. It is not known whether all members of the aristocracy could read and write, some women also did, as there are representations of female scribes in Mayan art.[320] Mayan scribes were called aj tz'ib, which means "one who writes or paints."[321] It is likely that there were scribal schools, where members of the aristocracy learned to write.[322] It is possible to identify the activity of scribes in the archaeological record. The king of Tikal, Jasaw Chan K'awiil I, was buried with his paint pot, and some of the younger members of the royal dynasty of Copán "Copán (archaeological site)") were buried with their writing tools. A palace at Copán has been identified as that of a noble lineage of scribes.[323]

Although not much is known about the Mayan scribes, some signed their work, both on stone sculptures and on ceramics. Signed ceramic vessels usually bear the name of a single scribe. Instead, there are stone sculptures that bear the names of multiple sculptors, such as a stele in Piedras Negras that has the names of eight sculptors. However, most of the works remained unsigned by the artists who created them.

El sistema calendárico maya, como otros calendarios mesoamericanos, tuvo sus orígenes en el período Preclásico. Sin embargo, fueron los mayas que desarrollaron el calendario a un alto nivel de sofisticación, y lograron registrar con gran precisión los ciclos lunares y solares, los eclipses y los movimientos de los planetas. En algunos casos, los cálculos de los mayas eran más precisos que los cálculos equivalentes en el Viejo Mundo; por ejemplo, el año solar maya se calculó con mayor precisión que los años julianos. El calendario maya estaba intrínsecamente ligado al ritual maya, y era fundamental para las prácticas religiosas mayas.[328]​ El calendario combinó una cuenta larga no repetitiva con tres ciclos enganchados, cada uno midiendo un periodo progresivamente mayor. Estos fueron el tzolk'in de 260 días,[329]​ el haab' de 365 días,[330]​ y la rueda calendárica de 52 años, la que resultó de la combinación del tzolk'in y haab'.[331]​ También había ciclos calendáricos adicionales, como el ciclo de 819 días asociado con los cuatro cuadrantes de la cosmología maya y regidos por los cuatro aspectos del dios K'awiil.[332]​.

La unidad básica en el calendario maya era un día, o k'in"). Este se multiplicó por veinte para formar un winal"). La siguiente unidad, en lugar de ser multiplicado por 20, como lo requiere el sistema vigesimal, se multiplicaba por 18 con el fin de proporcionar una aproximación global del año solar (dando como resultado 360 días). Este año de 360 días era conocido como un tun&action=edit&redlink=1 "Tun (calendario maya) (aún no redactado)"). Cada nivel sucesivo de la multiplicación siguió el sistema vigesimal.[333]​.

Además, los mayas utilizaron tres ciclos de tiempo entrelazados —cada uno midiendo un período cada vez mayor— incluyendo el tzolk'in de 260 días,[329]​ el haab' de 365 días,[330]​ y la rueda calendárica de 52 años, que resulta de la combinación del tzolk'in y haab'.[331]​ Había ciclos calendáricos adicionales, como el ciclo de 819 días, asociado con los cuatro cuadrantes de la cosmología maya, determinados por los cuatro aspectos diferentes del dios K'awiil.[332]​.

El tzolk'in de 260 días proporcionó el ciclo básico de las ceremonias mayas, y los fundamentos de la profecía maya. No existe evidencia de alguna base astronómica para este conteo, y es posible que la cuenta de 260 días se basa en el período de gestación humana. Esta hipótesis se ve reforzada por el uso del tzolk'in para determinar las fechas de nacimiento, y proporcionar las profecías correspondientes. El ciclo de 260 días repite una serie de 20 nombres para los días, con un número prefijo del 1 al 13, para indicar en qué parte del ciclo se produce un día específico.[332]​.

El haab de 365 días se conformaba de un ciclo de dieciocho Winal, de 20 días nombrados cada uno, completado por un periodo adicional de 5 días, denominado Wayeb (o Uayeb).[334]​ El Wayeb se consideraba un periodo peligroso, en el que se rompieron los límites entre el reino sobrenatural y el de los mortales, permitiendo a las deidades malignas cruzar e interferir en los asuntos humanos.[331]​ Tal como ocurre en el tz'olkin, el nombre de cada winal recibe como prefijo un número (de 0 a 19), y en el caso del periodo más corto del Wayeb, los números de prefijos van de 0 a 4. Los mayas entrelazaron cada día del tz'olkin —designado con su propio nombre y número, por ejemplo, 8 Ajaw— con el haab, dándole un nombre y número adicional para producir una designación más completa para cualquier día, por ejemplo, 8 Ajaw 13 Keh. Dicha designación de un día específico solo podía repetirse una vez cada 52 años, y los mayistas se refieren a este periodo como la «rueda calendárica». En la mayoría de las culturas mesoamericanas, la rueda calendárica era la unidad más grande para medir el tiempo.[334]​.

Al igual que todos los calendarios no repetitivos, los mayas midieron el tiempo desde un punto de inicio preciso. Fijaron el inicio de su calendario en el final del ciclo de bak'tunes anterior, lo que equivale a un día del año 3114 a. C. Los mayas creían que en este día se produjo la creación del mundo en su forma actual. Los mayas utilizaron la cuenta larga para fijar un día determinado de la rueda calendárica dentro de su actual gran ciclo de Piktun, compuesto de 20 bak'tunes.

Había algunas variaciones en el calendario, como se pudo observar en un texto de Palenque que indica que el ciclo del piktun que terminó en 3114 a. C. se componía de apenas 13 bak'tunes, y otras inscripciones parecen haber utilizado un ciclo excepcional de bak'tunes para el ciclo del piktun actual.[a]​.

Una fecha completa en la cuenta larga se compone de un glifo introductorio, seguido por cinco glifos contando el número de bak'tunes, kat'unes, tunes, winales, y k'ines desde el inicio de la creación actual. Esto sería seguido por la parte del tz'olkin de la fecha de la rueda calendárica, y tras una serie de glifos interpuestos, la fecha de cuenta larga terminaría con la parte del haab de la fecha de la rueda calendárica.[335]​.

La cultura maya no contaba con un sistema de horas, minutos o segundos como el actual, sino en calendarios de ciclos rituales y solares —como el Tzolk’in, el Haab y la Cuenta Larga— que articulaban días, meses y años como unidades principales. El tiempo se entendía como animado y cíclico, no como una magnitud física divisible en fracciones menores.[336]​.

Long Count Calendar Correlation

Although the calendar wheel is still in use today,[b][337]​ the Maya began using an abbreviated calendar, known as the short count, during the Late Classic. The short count is a count of 13 k'atunes. For this reason, there is no direct correlation between the long count and the European calendar. The most accepted correlation is the Goodman-Martínez-Thompson correlation, also known as the GMT correlation. This equates the long count date 11.16.0.0.0 13 Ajaw 8 It agrees with the documentary evidence, and conforms better to the archeology of the Yucatan Peninsula, but presents problems with the rest of the Mayan region. GMT.[338]​.

The Mayans made meticulous observations of the celestial bodies, patiently recording astronomical data about the movements of the Sun, Moon, Venus, and stars. This information was used for divination, since Mayan astronomy essentially served astrological purposes. The purpose of Mayan astronomy was not the study of the universe for scientific reasons, nor the measurement of the seasons to calculate the planting of crops. It was rather used by the priesthood to understand past time cycles, and project them into the future in order to make prophecies. The Mayan priests refined their observations and recorded the eclipses of the Sun and Moon, the movements of Venus and those of the stars; These were compared with dated events from the past, on the assumption that similar events would occur in the future, as the same astronomical conditions prevailed.[342]​ Illustrations of the codices show that priests made astronomical observations with the naked eye, using crossed sticks as an observation device.[343]​ Analysis of the few remaining Postclassic codices revealed that, at the time of contact with Europeans, the Maya had developed tables of eclipses, calendars and astronomical knowledge that was more precise than comparable knowledge in Europe at this time.[344]​.

The Mayans measured Venus' cycle of 584 days with a margin of error of just two hours. Five cycles of Venus are equated to eight 365-day calendrical cycles of the haab calendar, and this period was recorded in the codices. The Mayans also followed the movements of Jupiter "Jupiter (planet)"), Mars "Mars (planet)") and Mercury "Mercury (planet)"). The appearance of Venus as the morning star was associated with the rebirth of the hero twins.[345] The Mayans associated the heliacal rising of Venus with destruction and upheaval in the world.[343] Venus was closely linked with war, and the glyph for "war" incorporated the glyphic element symbolizing the planet.[346] The sight lines of the windows of the El Caracol building at Chichén Itzá align with the north and south ends. of the trajectory of Venus.[343]​ Mayan rulers launched military campaigns at the time that coincided with the heliacal or cosmic rise of Venus, and also sacrificed important captives during these conjunctions.[346]​.

Solar and lunar eclipses were considered particularly threatening events, which could bring disaster to the world. The Dresden Codex includes mention of a solar eclipse, represented as a serpent devouring k'in, the glyph for "day." Eclipses were interpreted as if the Sun or Moon were bitten, and lunar tables were recorded for the purpose of predicting them and performing appropriate ceremonies to avoid disaster.[346]

Como el resto de Mesoamérica, los mayas tenían una religión politeísta y creían en un reino sobrenatural habitado por un conjunto de poderosas deidades. Estas deidades tenían que ser aplicadas con ofrendas ceremoniales y prácticas rituales.[347]​ En el centro de la práctica religiosa maya se encontraba el culto a los antepasados difuntos, que actuarían como intermediarios para sus descendientes vivos en el trato con los habitantes del reino sobrenatural.[348]​ Los primeros intermediarios entre los seres humanos y el reino sobrenatural eran los "chamanes".[349]​ A medida que la civilización maya se desarrolló, la élite gobernante codificó los conceptos generales de la sociedad maya, y los convirtió en cultos religiosos que justificaron su derecho a gobernar.[347]​ En el Preclásico Tardío,[350]​ el pináculo de este proceso fue la combinación del máximo poder político y religioso en el rey divino, el ajaw k'uhul.[349]​ Aunque es difícil de reconstruir el sistema de creencias a través de la arqueología, existen indicadores de la práctica ritual que dejan huellas físicas.[351]​ Estos incluyen depósitos dedicatorios y otros depósitos rituales, santuarios, tumbas y las ofrendas funerarias") correspondientes. Además, el conjunto del arte maya, la arquitectura y la escritura contribuye a la reconstrucción de las antiguas creencias mayas; estos pueden combinarse con fuentes etnográficas, incluidos los registros de las prácticas religiosas mayas elaboradas por los españoles durante la conquista.[352]​.

Los mayas tenían una visión altamente estructurada del cosmos; distinguieron trece niveles en el cielo, y nueve niveles en el inframundo; el mundo de los mortales ocupaba una posición entre el cielo y el inframundo. Cada nivel contaba con cuatro puntos cardinales, que se asociaban con un color diferente. Las principales deidades tenían aspectos asociados con estas direcciones y colores; el norte era blanco, el este era rojo, el sur era amarillo, y el oeste era negro.[353]​.

Las familias mayas enterraban a sus muertos debajo de los pisos de sus casas, junto con las ofrendas apropiadas para la posición social de la familia y, en algunos casos, acompañados de objetos (botones de jade en la boca del difunto, estatuillas a su lado...) con la finalidad de acompañarlos en el más allá, donde los difuntos podrían actuar como antepasados protectores. Como los linajes mayas eran patrilineales, a menudo se destacó la adoración de un prominente ancestro masculino con un santuario en el hogar. Sin embargo, esta costumbre popular no seguía los principios de la teología sacerdotal, pues la supervivencia del alma estaba reservada oficialmente solo a una minoría de elegidos, como el rey, los héroes o las víctimas que aceptaban el sacrificio.[354]​ A medida que la sociedad maya se desarrolló, y la élite se volvió más poderosa, la realeza maya desarrolló santuarios hogareños en las grandes pirámides, donde se encontraban las tumbas de sus antepasados.[348]​.

Se consideraba que las fuerzas sobrenaturales impregnaban la vida, influyéndola en todos sus aspectos, desde las actividades cotidianas más sencillas, tales como la preparación de alimentos, hasta el comercio, la política y las actividades de la élite. Las deidades mayas regían todos los aspectos del mundo, tanto visibles como invisibles.[352]​ El sacerdocio maya era un grupo cerrado, cuyos miembros provenían de la élite establecida; hacia el Clásico Temprano estaban grabando información ritual cada vez más compleja en sus libros glíficos, incluyendo observaciones astronómicas, ciclos calendáricos, acontecimientos históricos y mitológicos. Los sacerdotes realizaron ceremonias públicas que incluyeron banquetes, derramamientos de sangre, la quema de incienso, música, danza ritual, y, en ciertas ocasiones, sacrificios humanos. Durante el período Clásico, el gobernante maya era también el sumo sacerdote y el conducto directo entre los mortales y los dioses. Es muy probable que, entre los plebeyos, el chamanismo hubiera continuado de manera paralela a la religión del Estado. Por el Posclásico, el énfasis religioso había cambiado; hubo un incremento en el culto de las imágenes de deidades, y se buscaba recurso en los sacrificios humanos con mayor frecuencia.[355]​.

human sacrifice

Blood was considered a powerful food for Mayan deities, and the sacrifice of a living being was seen as a powerful blood offering. By extension, the sacrifice of a human life was considered the greatest blood offering to the gods, and therefore the most important Mayan rituals culminated in human sacrifice. Usually only high-ranking prisoners of war were sacrificed; Captives of lower ranks were used as labor.[356]​.

Important rituals, such as the dedication of large construction projects or the enthronement of a new ruler, required a human offering. The sacrifice of an enemy king was the most precious offering, and such a sacrifice meant that the death of the captive ruler was done with a ritual reenactment of the beheading of the corn god by the gods of death.[356] In the year 738, the vassal king K'ak' Tiliw Chan Yopaat of Quiriguá captured his lord, Uaxaclajuun Ub'aah K'awii of Copán, and a few days later, he ritually beheaded;[357] The ritual associated with the beheading of an enemy king may have taken the form of a ritual ball game, recreating the victory of the twin heroes over the gods of the underworld.[356] There are depictions of sacrifice by beheading in Classic Maya art, and the ritual was sometimes carried out after the victim was beaten, tortured, scalped, burned or gutted.[358]​ The myth of the twin heroes, included in the Popol Vuh, tells how one of the twins was decapitated by his opponents in the ball game.[359]​.

During the Postclassic period, the removal of the heart was the most common performance of human sacrifice, an influence from the practice of the Aztecs in the Valley of Mexico;[356]​ this ritual was usually carried out in a temple plaza, or on the top of a pyramid.[360]​ Depending on the specific ritual, sometimes the corpse would be skinned by the priests' assistants, except for the hands and feet. The officiating priest would then remove his ritual costume to dress in the skin of the sacrificial victim, and perform a ritual dance that symbolized the rebirth of life.[360] Archaeological investigations indicate that heart sacrifice was already practiced in the Classic period.[361]​.

Deities

The Mayan world was populated by a wide variety of deities, supernatural entities and sacred powers. The Mayans had such a broad interpretation of what was sacred that the identification of deities with different specific functions would be incorrect.[363] The Mayan interpretation of deities was intrinsically linked to the calendar, astronomy, and their worldview.[364] The importance of a deity, its characteristics and its associations, varied according to the movement of the celestial bodies. Therefore, priestly interpretation of astronomical records and books was crucial, as the priest would understand which deity needed the required ritual propitiation, when to perform the correct ceremonies, and what would be an appropriate offering. Each deity had four manifestations, associated with the cardinal directions, and each linked with a different color. It also had dichotomous aspects, such as day-night and life-death.[353]​.

Itzamna was the creator god, but he also embodied the cosmos, and was at the same time a solar god;[353] K'inich Ahau, the "day sun", was one of his aspects. Mayan kings were often identified with K'inich Ahau. Itzamna also had the aspect of "night sun", the Jaguar Night), representing the Sun on its journey through the underworld. The four Pawatun held the corners of the mortal realm; in the sky, the Bacab had a similar function. In addition to their four main aspects, the Bacab had dozens of other aspects that are still not well understood. The four Chaac were gods of storms), who controlled rain, thunder and lightning.[367]​ Each of the nine "lords of the night" ruled one of the kingdoms of the underworld.[366]​ Other important deities included the goddess of the Moon"), the god of corn, and the hero twins.[368]​.

The Popol Vuh, which was written in the Latin alphabet in colonial times, was probably the transcription of a glyphic book written by an unknown Quiche nobleman.[369]​ It is one of the most notable works of indigenous literature in America.[321]​ The Popol Vuh narrates the mythical creation of the world, the legend of the twin heroes, and the post-classical history of the Quiche kingdom.[369]​ The deities mentioned in The Popol Vuh include Hun Hunahpu, the corn god of the Quiche,[370]​ and a triad of gods headed by Tohil, the patron deity of the Quiche, and also including the Moon goddess, Awilix, and the mountain god, Jacawitz").[371]​.

Like other Mesoamerican cultures, the Mayans revered the feathered serpent deities. Its cult was rare during the Classic period,[372] but in the Postclassic the veneration of the feathered serpent had spread throughout the Yucatan Peninsula and the Guatemalan highlands. In Yucatán, the feathered serpent deity was Kukulkan,[373] among the Quiché it was Q'uq'umatz").[374]​ Kukulkan had its origins in the War Serpent") Waxaklahun Ubah Kan of the Classic period, and has also been identified as the post-classical version of the Vision Serpent"), known from Classic period Maya art.[375]​ Although the Kukulcán cult had its origins in these ancient Mayan traditions, it was strongly influenced by the Quetzalcóatl cult of central Mexico.[376]​ Likewise, Q'uq'umatz also had a composite origin, combining the attributes of the Mexican Quetzalcóatl with aspects of Itzamná of the Classic period.[377]​.

There are hundreds of Mayan archaeological sites distributed in five countries: Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico.[378]​ The six sites with especially outstanding architecture or sculpture are Chichén Itzá, Palenque, Uxmal, Comalcalco "Comalcalco (archaeological zone)"), Calakmul and Yaxchilán in Mexico, other important and notable sites are Tikal, El Mirador "El Mirador (Mayan city)"), Yaxhá, Zacaleu, Takalik Abaj, Kaminaljuyú or Quiriguá in Guatemala and Copán in Honduras. The main sites of the Puuc region, after Uxmal, are Kabáh, Labná, and Sayil. In the east of the Yucatán Peninsula, are Cobá and the small site of Tulum. Also in the west and center of El Salvador we find places of interest such as Tazumal, San Andrés "San Andrés (archaeological site)"), Cihuatán and Joya de Cerén, the only place where Mayan daily life is observed.[379]​.

The Bec River sites, at the base of the Yucatán Peninsula, include Becan, Chicanná, Kohunlich, and Xpuhil. The most notable sites in Chiapas, in addition to Palenque and Yaxchilán, are Toniná and Bonampak. In Tabasco, the most important sites besides Comalcalco are Moral Reforma "Moral Reforma (archaeological zone)"), and Pomoná. In the Guatemalan highlands, Iximché, Kaminaljuyú, Mixco Viejo, Takalik Abaj and Q'umarkaj, also known as Utatlán, stand out.[380] In the lowlands of northern Petén, in Guatemala, there are many sites, but, with the exception of Tikal, access is generally difficult. Some of the notable sites in the Petén are Dos Pilas, Ceibal, Piedras Negras "Black Stones (archaeological site)"), Naachtún, and Uaxactún.[381] Important sites in Belize include Altun Ha, El Caracol, and Xunantunich.[382]​.

There are a large number of museums that have Mayan artifacts in their collections. The Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies (FAMSI) includes more than 250 museums in its database of museums with Mayan artifacts,[383] and the European Association of Mayans (WAYEB) lists about 50 museums, in Europe alone.[384]

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The Mayan culture developed within the Mesoamerican cultural area, a region that extends from central Mexico southward into Central America.[4] Mesoamerica was one of the six cradles of civilization in the world.[5] The Mesoamerican area gave rise to a cultural development that included the formation of complex societies, agriculture, cities, monumental architecture, writing and calendrical systems.[6] The set of traits shared by Mesoamerican cultures also included knowledge astronomical and a worldview that sees the world as structured into four divisions aligned with the cardinal points, each with different attributes, as well as a vertical division of the world into the celestial realm, the earth, and the underworld.

By the year 6000 BC. C., the first inhabitants of Mesoamerica were experimenting with the domestication of plants, a process that led to the creation of sedentary agricultural societies.[7]​ Although climatic diversity allowed for wide variation in the crops available, basic crops were grown in all regions of Mesoamerica, being corn, beans, and squash.[8]​ All Mesoamerican cultures used Stone Age technology; after 1000 AD. C. copper, silver and gold were also worked. Mesoamerica lacked draft animals, did not use the wheel, and had few domestic animals; The main means of transportation was by foot or canoe.[9] Mesoamericans saw the world as hostile and ruled by unpredictable deities. The Mesoamerican ritual ball game was widely practiced.[10] Mesoamerica has great linguistic diversity, although most languages belong to a small number of language families—the main language families being the Mayan, Mixezokean, Otomanguean, and Uto-Aztec languages; there are also a number of smaller, more isolated language families. The Mesoamerican linguistic area shares a number of important characteristics, including the widespread use of shared words, and a numerical system. vigesimal.[11]​.

The territory of the Maya[12]​ and the Mayans maintained a dynamic relationship with neighboring cultures, including the Olmecs, the Mixtecs, the Teotihuacans, the Aztecs, and others.[13]​ During the Early Classic period, the Mayan cities of Tikal and Kaminaljuyú were key focuses in a network that extended beyond the Mayan area, into the highlands of central Mexico.[14]​ In At this same time there was a strong Mayan presence in the Tetitla enclosure in Teotihuacán. Centuries later, in the 19th century, murals at Cacaxtla, another site in the highlands of central Mexico, were also painted in Mayan style. This may have been an effort to align with the still powerful Mayan region, following the collapse of Teotihuacán and the subsequent political fragmentation in the highlands of Mexico,[17]​ or an attempt to express some distant Mayan origin on the part of the inhabitants.[18]​ The Mayan city of Chichén Itzá and the distant Toltec capital of Tollan maintained close ties for the rest of their days.[19]​.

The Mayan civilization occupied an extensive territory that included southeastern Mexico and northern Central America; It encompassed the entire Yucatan Peninsula, all of Guatemala and Belize, as well as the western portion of Honduras and El Salvador.[20] Most of the peninsula is made up of a vast plain with few hills or mountains and a generally low-lying coastal area.[21]

The Petén region consists of a low, forest-covered limestone plain;[22]​ a series of fourteen lakes cross the central Petén drainage basin.[23]​ In the south, the plain gradually rises toward the Guatemalan highlands.[24]​ Dense jungle covers northern Petén and Belize, most of Quintana Roo, southern Campeche, and a portion of southern Yucatán state "Yucatán (state)"). Further north, the vegetation becomes low forest composed of dense bushes.[25]​.

The coastal zone "Litoral (geografía)") of Soconusco "Soconusco (Chiapas)") is located south of the Sierra Madre of Chiapas,[26] and consists of a narrow coastal plain and the foothills of the Sierra Madre.[27] The Mayan plateau extends from eastern Chiapas to Guatemala, and reaches its highest altitude in the Sierra de los Cuchumatanes. The main pre-Columbian population centers of the highlands are found in the major valleys, such as the Guatemala Valley and Quetzaltenango in the southern highlands, dominated by a belt of volcanic cones that runs parallel to the Pacific coast. The high plateau extends north into Verapaz "Verapaz (Guatemala)"), and gradually descends towards the east.[28]​.

Background

The history of the Mayan civilization is divided into three main periods: the Preclassic, the Classic and the Postclassic; author, the definitions of the start and end dates of the periods can vary by up to a century.[32]​.

Preclassical (c. 2000 BC-250 AD)

The Mayans developed their first civilization in the Preclassic period.[36] The Mayan occupation of Aguada Fénix in Mexico has been dated to 1,000 BC. C. placing it as the oldest Mayan city, and marks the passage of the Mayan civilization from nomadism to a sedentary lifestyle, and the beginning of the construction of the Mayan city-states;[37] Ceibal in Guatemala dates from 950 BC. C. and Cuello "Cuello (archaeological site)"), Belize, has been dated to around 900 BC. C.[38]​.

Settlements were established around 800 BC. C. in the Soconusco region "Soconusco (Chiapas)") on the Pacific coast, and the Mayans already cultivated basic crops such as corn, beans, squash and chili.[39]​ This period was characterized by the existence of sedentary communities and the introduction of ceramics and baked clay figurines.[40]​.

During the Middle Preclassic, small settlements began to grow and became cities.[41]​ Nakbé, located in the department of Petén, Guatemala, was the oldest documented city in the Maya lowlands.[42]​ The largest architectural structures at Nakbé have been dated to around 750 BC. C.[41]​ The lowlands of northern Yucatán were widely populated towards the Middle Preclassic.[43]​ Around 400 BC. C., the first Mayan rulers raised stelae.[44] A developed writing was already being used in the Petén by the century BC. C.[45]​ In the Late Preclassic, the enormous city of El Mirador "El Mirador (Mayan city)") grew to an area of ​​approximately 16 km².[46]​ Although not as large as El Mirador, Tikal was already an important city around 350 BC. C.[47]​.

In the highlands, Kaminaljuyú emerged as one of the main centers of the Late Preclassic. Takalik Abaj and Chocolá were two of the most important cities of the Pacific coastal plain, and Komchén "Komchén (archaeological site)" grew to become an important site in northern Yucatán. C., and many of the great Mayan cities of this time were abandoned; The cause of this collapse is unknown.[51]​.

Classical (c. 250-900 AD)

The Classic period is largely defined as the period in which the lowland Maya erected dated monuments, using the Long Count calendar. This period marked the apogee of large-scale construction and urbanism, the making of monumental inscriptions, and showed significant intellectual and artistic development, particularly in the southern lowlands. The political landscape of the Classic Maya period, characterized by multiple city-states involved in a complex network of alliances and enmities, has been compared to that of Italy during the Renaissance or classical Greece.[54]​ The major cities had a population of 50,000 to 120,000 inhabitants and were connected by networks of subsidiary cities.[55]​.

During the Early Classic, the cities of the Mayan region were influenced by the great metropolis of Teotihuacan in the distant Valley of Mexico. Tikal in early 378 AD. The then king of Tikal, Chak Tok Ich'aak I"), died on the same day, suggesting a violent seizure of power.[58]​ A year later, Siyaj K'ak' oversaw the installation of a new king, Yax Nuun Ahiin I.[59]​ The installation of the new dynasty led to a period of political dominance in which Tikal became the most powerful city in the central lowlands.[59]​.

Tikal's great rival was Calakmul, another powerful city in the Petén basin.[60] Both Tikal and Calakmul developed extensive systems of allies and vassals; Minor cities that entered one of these networks gained prestige through their association with the higher-level city and maintained peaceful relations with the other members of the same network. Tikal and Calakmul led their networks of allies against each other; At various points during the Classic period, one or another of these powers would win a strategic victory over its great rival, resulting in respective periods of flourishing and decline.[62]​.

In 629, B'alaj Chan K'awiil, son of King K'inich Muwaan Jol II"), was sent to found a new city at Dos Pilas in the Petexbatún region, apparently as an outpost to extend the power of Tikal beyond the reach of Calakmul. For the next two decades he fought loyally with his brother and lord of Tikal. In 648 AD, King Yuknoom Ch'een II of Calakmul captured Balaj Chan K'awiil. Yuknoom Ch'een II then reinstated Balaj Chan K'awiil on the throne of Dos Pilas as his own vassal.[64] Since then he served as a loyal ally of Calakmul.[65]

In the southeastern Mayan region, Copán "Copán (archaeological site)") was the most important city.[60] Their Classic period dynasty was founded in 426 by K'inich Yax K'uk' Mo'. The new king had strong ties to central Petén and Teotihuacán.[66] Copán reached the height of its cultural and artistic development during the rule of Uaxaclajuun Ub'aah K'awiil, who reigned from 695 to 738.[67] His reign ended catastrophically when he was captured by his vassal, King K'ak' Tiliw Chan Yopaat of Quiriguá.[68]​ The captured king of Copán was taken to Quiriguá where he was beheaded in a public ritual.[69]​ It is likely that this coup d'état was supported by Calakmul in order to weaken a powerful ally of Tikal.[70]​.

Palenque "Palenque (archaeological zone)") and Piedras Negras "Black Stones (archaeological site)") were the most powerful cities in the Usumacinta basin.[60] In the highlands, Kaminaljuyú, in the valley of Guatemala, was already an expanding city by 300 AD. C.[71]​ In the north of the Mayan area, the most important city was Cobá,[72]​ while in the west, on the Tabasco plain, the most important city was Comalcalco "Comalcalco (archaeological zone)"), founded in 700 BC. C. and whose buildings were built of baked brick, glued with a mixture of cooked oyster shell, due to the lack of stones in the region.[73] Comalcalco was an important commercial center[74] and cocoa cultivation, whose seed was considered currency in the Mayan culture and in Mesoamerica, which was subdued by Tortuguero "Tortuguero (archaeological site)") in 649 AD. C. after a bloody war.[75]​.

During the 2nd century, the central Mayan region experienced a major political collapse, marked by the abandonment of cities, the end of dynasties, and a shift of the focus of activities northward.[56] There is no universally accepted theory to explain this collapse, but it is likely the result of a combination of causes, including endemic internal warfare, overpopulation resulting in severe environmental degradation, and drought,[76] the latter being probable.[77][78]​.

In August 2025, a study on the stalagmites of the Tzabnah Caves (Tecoh, Mexico) discovered records of droughts that coincide with periods of population decline and that led to a political reorganization of the Mayan kingdoms. At least four major droughts that lasted several years and a 13-year megadrought that occurred at the beginning of the first millennium, right in the final phase of the collapse of civilization, were documented. of rainfed agriculture, the lack of rain left many areas without enough food or drinking water.

The situations of famine and poor harvests caused serious pressure on the hierarchical Mayan political systems, since the governors were seen as "divine kings" in direct contact with the gods. However, the collapse was not a single or uniform event, different populations migrated and society continued to prosper in other areas, moving away from elitist governments and developing new political structures.[77]​[78]​.

During this period, known as the Terminal Classic, the northern cities of Chichén Itzá and Uxmal showed increased activity.[56] The major cities in the northern Yucatán Peninsula continued to be inhabited long after the southern lowland cities stopped erecting monuments.[79]

Classic Maya social organization was based on the ritual authority of the ruler, rather than central control of food trade and distribution. This model of governance was not well structured to respond to fundamental changes, since the ruler's freedom of action was limited to traditional responses. Rulers reacted, in a culturally delimited way, with the intensification of activities such as construction, rituals and warfare. This was counterproductive and only served to exacerbate systemic problems.")[80] This resulted in the collapse of this system of governance over the 2000s. In northern Yucatán, individual kingship was replaced by a governing council made up of elite lineages. In southern Yucatán and central Petén, kingdoms generally declined; in western Petén and some other areas, changes were Catastrophic events and led to rapid depopulation of the cities.[81] Large swaths of the central Maya zone were almost abandoned within a couple of generations.[82] The largest cities had populations of 50,000 to 120,000 and were linked to networks of subsidiary sites. Typically, both the capital cities and their secondary centers were abandoned within 50 to 100. years.[55]​ One by one, many of the once great cities stopped carving dated monuments and were eventually abandoned; the last Long Count date was inscribed in Toniná in the year 909. Steles were no longer erected, and other occupants settled in the abandoned royal palaces. Trade routes in Mesoamerica changed and did not include the Petén.[83]​.

Postclassical (c. 950-1540 AD)

After the abandonment of the major cities of the Classic period, a significant, though much smaller, Mayan presence remained into the Postclassic period, concentrating primarily near permanent water sources.[85] Unlike previous cycles of contraction in the Maya region, abandoned lands were not rapidly resettled during the Postclassic.[55] The center of activity moved to the northern lowlands and Mayan highlands; This may have coincided with migration from the southern lowlands, as many Postclassic Maya groups had migration myths.[86] Chichén Itzá and its Puuc neighbors declined dramatically in the 2nd century, which may represent the final episode of the Classic collapse period. After the fall of Chichén Itzá, the Mayan region lacked a dominant power until the rise of the city of Mayapán in the 19th century. New cities emerged near the coasts of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico such as Potonchán, and new commercial networks were formed.[87]​.

The Postclassic period was marked by a series of changes that distinguish its cities from those of the preceding Classic period.[88] The other large city of Kaminaljuyú in the Guatemala Valley was abandoned after a period of continuous occupation that spanned almost two thousand years.[89] This was symptomatic of the changes that were sweeping across the highlands and plain of the Pacific coast, in which cities situated on exposed land were relocated, apparently due to a proliferation of war. The cities began to occupy places located on hilltops, surrounded by deep ravines that facilitated their defense, and sometimes with defenses composed of ditches and walls to complement the protection provided by the terrain.[89]​ One of the most important cities in the Guatemalan highlands at this time was Q'umarkaj, the capital of the belligerent Quiche kingdom.[88]​ In general, the Postclassic Mayan states, from Yucatán to the Guatemalan highlands, were organized under a form of joint government or governing council. However, in practice one of the council members could act as supreme ruler, with the other members serving as advisors.[90]​.

Mayapán was abandoned around 1448, following a period of political, social, and environmental turbulence that in many ways echoed the collapse of the Classic period in the southern Maya region. flourishing.[87]​ During the Late Postclassic, the Yucatán Peninsula was divided into several independent provinces that shared a common culture, but varied in their internal sociopolitical organization.[91]​ On the eve of the Spanish conquest, several powerful Mayan states dominated the highlands of Guatemala.[92]​ The Quiché "Quiché (ethnicity)") had forged a small empire that covered a large part of the western highlands of Guatemala and the coastal plain of the Pacific. However, in the decades before the Spanish conquest, the Kaqchikel kingdom had been eroding the Quiche kingdom.[93]

Period of contact and Spanish conquest (1511-1697 AD)

In 1517, a Spanish caravel was shipwrecked in the Caribbean, and about a dozen survivors made landfall on the coast of Yucatán. They were captured by a Mayan lord, and most were sacrificed, although two managed to escape. From 1517 to 1519, three independent Spanish expeditions explored the coasts of Yucatán, and Tabasco, in the latter in 1519 they engaged in a series of battles with the Mayan inhabitants,[94] Highlighting the Battle of Centla against the Chontal Mayans of Potonchán, which was the first major battle of the Spanish in what would later become New Spain.

After the fall of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlán, in 1521, Hernán Cortés sent Pedro de Alvarado to Guatemala with a cavalry of 180 mounted men, an infantry of 300 soldiers, 4 cannons and thousands of allied warriors from central Mexico;[95]​ they arrived in Soconusco in 1523.[96]​ Alvarado conquered the capital of the Quiche kingdom, Q'umarkaj, in 1524.[97] Shortly thereafter, the Spanish were invited as allies in Iximché, the capital city of the Kaqchikel kingdom.[98]​ Good relations did not last due to excessive tax demands in gold on the part of the Spanish, and the city was abandoned a few months later.[99]​ This was followed by the fall of Zaculeu, the Mam capital, in 1525.[100]​ Francisco de Montejo and his son, Francisco de Montejo "el Mozo" "Francisco de Montejo (the Younger)"), launched a long series of campaigns against the Mayan cities of the Yucatán Peninsula in 1527, and finally completed the conquest of the northern part of the peninsula in 1546.[101] Only the Mayan kingdoms of the Petén basin remained independent.[102] In 1697, Martín de Urzúa launched a assault against the Itzá capital, Nojpetén, which culminated in the fall of the last independent Mayan city.[103]​.

Persistence of Mayan culture

The Spanish conquest eliminated most of the defining features of the Mayan civilization, as the missionaries who accompanied these expeditions saw them as an obstacle to their work of evangelization.[104] However, many Mayan villages remained distant from Spanish viceregal authority, and largely continued to manage their own affairs. Rural Mayan communities, and the nuclear family, maintained their traditional daily life.[105]​ The cultivation of staple foods, such as corn and beans, continued, although agricultural production was improved with the introduction of steel tools. The production of traditional crafts, such as weaving, ceramics and basket weaving, was also maintained. Community markets and trade in local products continued long after the conquest. Occasionally, the viceregal administration encouraged the traditional economy in order to extract tribute in the form of pottery or cotton textiles, although these were generally made to European specifications. Mayan religious beliefs and languages ​​persisted, despite great efforts to eliminate them by Catholic religious people.[106]​ The tzolk'in, the 260-day ritual calendar, remains in use in modern Mayan communities in the highlands of Guatemala and Chiapas,[107]​ and millions of speakers of Mayan languages ​​inhabit the territory in which their ancestors developed their civilization.[108]​.

Agents of the Catholic Church wrote detailed accounts of the Mayans to support their efforts at evangelization and absorption into the Spanish Empire.[109] This was followed by several Spanish priests and viceregal officials leaving descriptions of the ruins they visited in Yucatan and Central America.[110] In 1839, the American writer and traveler John Lloyd Stephens visited several Mayan city ruin sites, along with the English architect and draftsman Frederick Catherwood.[111]​ The publication of the illustrated accounts of the ruins provoked great interest, and brought the Mayan civilization to the world's attention.[109]​ The second half of the century saw the recording and recovery of ethnohistorical accounts of the Mayans, and the first steps were taken in the decipherment of the Mayan glyphs.[112]​.

During the last two decades of the century, modern scientific archeology began in the Mayan region, with the meticulous work of Alfred Maudslay and Teoberto Maler.[113]​ At the beginning of the century, the Peabody Museum decided to sponsor excavations in Copan and the Yucatán Peninsula.[114]​ In the first two decades of the century, progress was made in the decipherment of the Mayan calendar, as well as in the identification of deities, dates, and concepts. religious.[115]​ From the 1930s onwards, the pace of archaeological exploration increased considerably, and large-scale excavations were carried out throughout the Mayan region.[116]​.

In the 1960s, the distinguished Mayanist J. Eric S. Thompson promoted the idea that Mayan cities were essentially vacant ceremonial centers serving a dispersed population in the jungle, and that the Mayan civilization would have been ruled by peaceful astronomer-priests. Tatiana Proskouriakoff and Yuri Knorozov.[118]​ With advances in the understanding of Mayan writing that were achieved from the 1950s onwards, the texts revealed the warlike activities of the classical Mayan kings, and the idea that the Mayans were peaceful could no longer be sustained.[119]​ Careful investigations of the settlement pattern of Mayan cities revealed evidence of large urban populations, putting an end to the center model vacant ceremonial.[120]​.

Unlike the Aztecs and Incas, the Mayan political system never incorporated the entire Mayan cultural area into a single state or empire. Rather, throughout its history, the Mayan area was made up of a mixture of varying political complexity that included both states and chiefdoms. The links between these political entities fluctuated greatly, as they were involved in a complex web of rivalries, periods of domination or submission, vassalage and alliances. Occasionally, some political entities achieved regional dominance, such as Calakmul, El Caracol "El Caracol (Belize)"), Mayapán, and Tikal.

The first reliable evidence of the existence of political entities in the Mayan lowlands dates back to the century BC. C.[121]​ During the Late Preclassic, the Mayan political system evolved into a theopolitical form, where elite ideology justified the authority of the ruler, and was reinforced by the public display of rituals and religion.[122]​ The divine king was the center of political power, and exercised absolute control over the administrative, economic, judicial, and military functions of the political entity. The divine authority of the ruler was such that the king had the power to mobilize both aristocracy and commoners for the execution of large construction projects, apparently without resorting to a police force or a standing army.[123] Some political entities used the strategy of expanding the administration and filling administrative positions with loyal followers rather than blood relatives.[124] Within a political entity, medium-sized population centers would have played a key role in managing resources and the management of internal conflicts.[125]​.

The Mayan political landscape was very complex, and Mayan elites used political intrigue to obtain economic and social advantages over their neighbors.[126] In the Late Classic, some political entities achieved a long period of domination over other large political entities, such as El Caracol's dominance over Naranjo "El Naranjo (Guatemala)") for half a century. In other cases, networks of loose alliances formed around a dominant city.[127] Frontier settlements often changed alliances over the course of their history; They were generally found halfway between the capitals of rival political entities, and at different times they could ally themselves with one or another of their dominant neighbors, or act independently.[128] The capitals of the dominant political entities demanded tribute in the form of luxury goods from the subjugated population centers.[129] Mayan political power was reinforced by military power, and the capture and humiliation of enemy warriors played an important role in the culture of the elite. A prevailing sense of pride and honor among the warrior aristocracy could give rise to widespread disputes and vendettas, resulting in political instability and fragmentation of political entities.[130]

Contenido

A partir del Preclásico Temprano, la sociedad maya se caracterizaba por una estricta división entre la élite y los plebeyos. Con el crecimiento de la población en el curso del tiempo, varios sectores de la sociedad se volvieron cada vez más especializados y la organización política se hizo cada vez más compleja.[131]​ Por el Clásico Tardío, cuando la población había crecido considerablemente, y cientos de ciudades estaban conectados en una compleja red de jerarquías políticas, se multiplicó el segmento de los ricos en la sociedad maya.[132]​ También puede haberse desarrollado una clase media, compuesta de artesanos, funcionarios y sacerdotes de bajo rango, comerciantes y soldados. Los plebeyos incluían campesinos, sirvientes, obreros y esclavos.[133]​ De acuerdo a los relatos indígenas, la tierra era propiedad comunal de las casas nobles, o clanes. Los clanes sostenían que la tierra era propiedad de los antepasados del clan, y los vínculos entre la tierra y los ancestros fueron reforzadas por el entierro de los muertos dentro de los complejos residenciales de cada clan.[134]​.

king and court

The classical Mayan state was centered on a royal culture that had expression in all areas of classical Mayan art. The king was the supreme ruler, and had a semi-divine status that allowed him to act as a mediator between the realm of the gods and that of mortals. From ancient times, kings were specifically identified with the young corn god, whose gift of corn formed the basis of Mesoamerican civilization. Succession to the throne was patrilineal, and royal power was only transferred to queens" if there was no other option to avoid the extinction of the dynasty. Power was usually transferred to the eldest son. A young prince was called ch'ok ("young man"), although later, this word referred to the nobility in general. The heir to the royal throne was known as b'aah ch'ok ("chief young man"). young prince were marked by rituals; the most important was a bloodshed ceremony at the age of five or six. Although membership in the royal bloodline was considered of utmost importance, the heir also had to excel as a war leader, which he could demonstrate by taking prisoners of war. The enthronement of a new king was an elaborate ceremony, composed of a series of different acts, including the enthronement on a cushion of jaguar skin, human sacrifice, and the granting of symbols of royal power, such as a diadem bearing a jade representation of the so-called "jester god", an elaborate headdress, adorned with quetzal feathers, and a scepter with the representation of the god K'awiil).[136]

The Mayan political administration, based around the royal court, did not have a bureaucratic character. The government was hierarchical and official positions were sponsored by high-ranking members of the aristocracy; officials tended to be promoted to higher positions during the course of their lives. Officials were referred to as being the "property" of their sponsor, and this relationship would continue even after the death of the sponsor.[137]​ The Mayan royal court was a vibrant and dynamic political institution.[138]​ It had no fixed structure, but rather each political entity formed a royal court adapted to its own context.[139]​ Epigraphers who translated classical Mayan inscriptions managed to identify a number of royal and noble titles. Ajaw is generally translated as "lord" or "king." In the Early Classic, the ajaw was the ruler of a city. Later, with increasing social complexity, ajaw referred to a member of the ruling class; a major city might have more than one ajaw, each ruling different districts of the city.[140] Supreme rulers distinguished themselves from the extended nobility by prefixing the word k'uhul to their ajaw title. The title k'uhul ajaw, or "divine lord", was initially reserved for the kings of the most prestigious and ancient royal dynasties.[141] Kalomte was a royal title, the exact meaning of which has not yet been deciphered, that was only used by the most powerful kings of the strongest dynasties. It referred to an overlord, or High King, a title that was only in use during the Classic period.[142]​ By the Late Classic, the absolute power of the ajaw k'uhul was weakened after the diversification of the political system with the inclusion of a broader aristocracy, which at that time may have been disproportionate.[143]​.

The title sajal was placed below that of ajaw, and referred to a servile lord. A sajal would be a second or third level city lord, submissive to an ajaw, who in turn would be subordinate to a kalomte.[140] The sajal was often a war captain, or a regional governor, and Mayan inscriptions often link the title of sajal to war; They are frequently mentioned as owners of prisoners of war.[145] The meaning of Sajal was "the feared one."[146] The titles of ah tz'ihb and ah ch'ul hun were linked to the scribes. The ah tz'ihb was a royal scribe, usually a member of the royal family; The ah ch'ul hun was the Guardian of the Holy Books, a title closely associated with that of ajaw, indicating that only an ajaw could bear the title ah Ch'ul hun.[147] Other court titles, whose functions are not well known, were yajaw k'ahk ("The Lord of Fire"), ti'huun and ti'sakhuun. These last two could be variations of the same title,[148] and Mark Zender suggested that their holder may have been the ruler's spokesman.[149] The vast majority of court titles were male, and on those rare occasions when they were applied to a woman, they appear to have been used as honorific titles for female royalty.[150] In glyphic inscriptions from classical cities, members of the elite were frequently associated with certain structures. architectural, which may indicate that the holders of these offices were the owners of these structures, or that certain structures were important focuses for their activities.[151]​ The lakam was possibly the only holder of an office at the royal court who did not belong to the elite.[137]​ There was only one lakam in the larger cities, and he was apparently responsible for the collection of tribute from the local districts.[137]​.

Commoners

It is estimated that commoners comprised more than 90% of the population, but relatively little is known about them. Their houses were generally built of perishable materials, the remains of which left few traces in the archaeological record. Some commoner homes were built on low platforms that can be identified, but this was not the case for most houses. Detection of these low-status dwellings is only possible with the large-scale use of remote sensing to investigate seemingly empty plots of land.[152] The range of commoners was very wide; It was composed of all non-noble people, from the poorest farmers to wealthy artisans and commoners who served in bureaucratic positions.[153] Commoners engaged in essential production activities, including that of products intended for the elite, such as cotton and cocoa, as well as subsistence crops for their own use, and utilitarian items such as pottery and stone tools.[154] Commoners also participated in the wars, and could advance socially by being recognized as outstanding warriors.[155]​ Commoners paid taxes to the elite in the form of staple goods, such as corn flour and bushmeat.[129]​ It is likely that hardworking commoners who showed initiative and possessed exceptional skills could become influential members of Mayan society.[156]​.

La guerra era común en el mundo maya. Se pusieron en marcha campañas militares por diferentes razones, incluyendo el control de las rutas comerciales y tributo, incursiones para tomar prisioneros, o una escalación de la guerra hasta alcanzar la destrucción completa de un estado enemigo. Poco se sabe acerca de la organización militar maya, ni de la logística y formación militar. La guerra es representada en el arte maya del periodo Clásico, y las batallas y victorias son mencionadas en las inscripciones glíficas.[157]​ Sin embargo, las inscripciones no proporcionan información sobre las causas de la guerra, o la forma que tomó.[158]​ En los siglos y , una guerra intensiva culminó en la caída de los reinos de la región de Petexbatún en el oeste de Petén.[158]​ El rápido abandono de Aguateca por sus habitantes, ofreció la inesperada oportunidad de examinar los restos del armamento maya in situ.[159]​ Enemigos desconocidos atacaron Aguateca alrededor de 810 d. C., superaron sus formidables defensas y quemaron el palacio real. Los habitantes de la élite de la ciudad huyeron o fueron capturados, y nunca regresaron para recuperar su propiedades abandonadas. Los habitantes de la periferia abandonaron el lugar poco después. Esto es un ejemplo de una guerra intensiva llevada a cabo con el fin de eliminar por completo un estado rival, en lugar de someterlo. La investigación en Aguateca indicó que los guerreros del periodo Clásico eran principalmente miembros de la élite.[160]​.

Ya desde el período Preclásico, se esperaba que el gobernante de una entidad política maya fuese un líder de guerra distinguido, y a menudo se le representaba con cabezas trofeo colgando de su cinturón. En el período clásico, tales cabezas trofeo ya no aparecieron al cinturón del rey; más bien, los reyes del período Clásico fueron frecuentemente representados parado sobre los prisioneros de guerra humillados.[157]​ Hasta finales del período Posclásico, los reyes mayas dirigían como comandantes de guerra. Las inscripciones mayas del periodo Clásico mostraron que el rey derrotado podría ser capturado, torturado y sacrificado.[155]​ Los españoles relataron que los líderes mayas mantenían registro de los movimientos de tropas en libros pintados.[161]​ El resultado de una exitosa campaña militar podría variar en su impacto sobre la entidad política derrotada. En algunos casos, ciudades enteras fueron saqueadas y nunca más reasentadas, como ocurrió en Aguateca.[162]​ En otros casos, los vencedores se apoderaron de los gobernantes derrotados, sus familias y las representaciones de sus dioses patronos. Los nobles capturados y sus familias podrían ser encarcelados o sacrificados. El resultado menos severo de la gama de posibilidades sería que la entidad política derrotada se viera obligada a pagar tributo al vencedor.[163]​.

Warriors

From the period of contact with the Spanish it is known that certain military positions were limited to members of the aristocracy, and that they were transmitted by patrilineal succession. It is likely that the holder of a specific military position taught his successor the specialized knowledge inherent in the position, including strategy, ritual, and war dances.[155] Mayan armies of the period of contact with the Spanish were highly disciplined, and warriors participated in regular drills and training exercises; all healthy adult males were available for military service. The Mayan states did not maintain standing armies; The warriors were gathered by local officials who responded to the war leaders. There were also full-time mercenary units that followed the permanent leaders.[164]​ However, most warriors did not serve full-time, and were primarily farmers, who usually devoted themselves to their crops rather than engaging in warfare.[165]​ Typically, the goal of Mayan warfare was not the destruction of the enemy, but rather the taking of prisoners and looting.[166]​.

There is some evidence that, beginning in the Classical period, women had certain supporting roles in warfare, but did not act as military officers, with the exception of those rare instances when a queen was the supreme ruler.[168] By the Postclassic, native chronicles suggest that women sometimes fought on the battlefield.[155]

Arms

The atlatl "Propulsor (weapon)") (dart launcher) was introduced to the Mayan region by Teotihuacán in the Early Classic.[169]​ The atlatl is a stick 0.5 m long, with one end notched to hold a dart "Dart (weapon)") or javelin.[170]​ The stick was used to launch the missile with more force and precision than could be achieved by simply throwing with the arm.[169]​ The stone points recovered in Aguateca indicate that darts and spears were the main weapons of the Mayan warrior of the Classic period.[171]​ The commoners used blowpipes as a weapon of war, which were also used for hunting.[169]​.

The bow and arrow was another weapon used by the ancient Mayans, both for war and hunting.[158]​ Although it was used in the Mayan region during the Classic period, its use as a weapon of war was not favored,[172]​ and it did not become a common weapon of war until the Postclassic.[169]​ During the period of contact with the Spanish, the Mayans also used a weapon similar to the greatsword, made of strong wood with sharp blades of obsidian,[173]​ similar to the Aztec macuahuitl. Mayan warriors wore body armor made from padded cotton that had been soaked in salt water to harden it; The resulting armor compared favorably to the steel armor used by the Spanish during the conquest.[174] Warriors carried shields of wood or leather, decorated with feathers and animal skins.[165]

Trade

Trade was a key component of Mayan society, and essential to the development of the Mayan civilization. The cities that grew to become the most important usually controlled access to vital trade goods, or shipping routes. Cities such as Kaminaljuyú and Q'umarkaj in the Guatemalan highlands, and El Tazumal in El Salvador, variously controlled access to obsidian deposits at different times in Mayan history. The most important cities in the north of the Yucatan Peninsula controlled access to salt sources.[175] During the Postclassic, the Mayans were involved in a flourishing slave trade in the Mesoamerican region.[176]

The Mayans of Tabasco carried out an intense commercial exchange that spans from the Classic to the Postclassic Mayan period (from 600 AD to 900 AD), through an extensive river communication network, which would make them the great merchants of the Mesoamerican region. Mesoamerica. This is evident when yokes, axes and lithic materials from Veracruz, Hidalgo and Guatemala were discovered, as well as iconography from the central highlands, copper axes from what is now Michoacán, as well as stone and amate paper crushers originating from the current area of Puebla. Comalcalco.[75]​.

The cities of eastern Tabasco were also important commercial centers, San Claudio "San Claudio (archaeological site)") was an important export center for arrowheads made of flint which were marketed to many cities, some as far away as Nito in Guatemala and Naco in Honduras. Moral Reforma "Moral Reforma (archaeological zone)"), Pomoná and Panhalé were river ports through which the Mayans controlled the passage of goods from the mountains of the Guatemalan Petén to the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. In the postclassic period, Potonchán was an important commercial port, which exchanged goods from the central Altiplano to the Honduran coast, while Xonuta was a large ceramic manufacturing center, the merchandise was marketed to many distant cities such as Chactemal and Bakhalal on the Caribbean coast.

The Mayans engaged in long-distance trade in the Mayan region, Mesoamerica, and beyond. In Mesoamerica, trade routes were primarily centered on central Mexico and the Gulf Coast. In the Early Classic, Chichén Itzá was the center of an extensive trading network that imported gold records from Colombia and Panama, turquoise from Los Cerrillos (New Mexico) "Los Cerrillos (New Mexico)"). Long-distance trade in luxury and utilitarian goods was probably controlled by the royal family. Prestige goods obtained through trade were used for consumption by the city's ruler, and as luxury presents to cement the loyalty of vassals and allies.[175]​ In the distant metropolis of Teotihuacán, in central Mexico, a section for Mayan merchants was identified dating to the Early Classic.[178]​.

Trade routes not only allowed the exchange of goods, but also facilitated the exchange of people and ideas throughout Mesoamerica.[179] Changes in trade routes occurred as a function of the rise and fall of major cities in the Mayan region, and occurred during each major reorganization of the Mayan civilization, such as the rise of the Preclassic Maya civilization, the transition to the Classic, and the collapse of the Terminal Classic.[175] Even the Spanish conquest did not put an end to it. immediately to all Mayan commercial activity;[175]​ for example, the Manché Choles of the conquest period exchanged prestigious crops such as cocoa, annatto "Achiote (spice)") and vanilla in the viceregal area of Verapaz.[180]​.

Little is known about the Mayan merchants, although they were depicted on Mayan ceramics in fine, noble clothing. Therefore it is known that at least some merchants were members of the elite. The Mayan nobility is also known to have participated in long-distance trading expeditions during the period of contact with the Spanish.[181] Most merchants belonged to the middle class and were primarily engaged in local and regional trade rather than the prestigious long-distance trade that was rather the exclusive domain of the elite.[182] Trading voyages in dangerous foreign territories were compared to a passage through the underworld; The patron deities of the merchants were two gods of the underworld") carrying backpacks. When the merchants left to travel, they were heavily armed and painted black, like their patron deities.[178]

The Mayans did not have pack animals, so all commercial products were carried on the backs of porters when they went overland; If the trade route followed the course of a river or the coast, products were transported in canoes.[183] ​​Christopher Columbus encountered a long Mayan trading canoe along the coast of Honduras during his fourth voyage. The canoe had been made from a long hollowed trunk and had a roof of palm leaves. It was 2.5 m wide and was propelled by 25 rowers. It transported commercial products such as cocoa, obsidian, ceramics, textiles, axes and copper bells, as well as food and drinks for the crew.[184] Cocoa was used as currency (although not exclusively), and its value was such that it was sometimes counterfeited by removing the meat from the pod, replacing it with soil or avocado peel.[185]

Markets are difficult to identify in the archaeological record.[186] However, the Spanish reported a thriving market economy when they arrived in the region.[187] In some Classic period cities, archaeologists tentatively identified masonry architectural structures in formal arcade style and parallel alignments of scattered stones as the permanent bases of market stalls.[188] A 2007 study analyzed the soils of a modern Guatemalan market and compared the results with those obtained from the analysis at a possible ancient market at Chunchucmil "Chunchucmil (archaeological site)"). Unusually high levels of phosphorus and zinc were found at both sites, indicating the existence of similar food production and vegetable sales activity. The calculated density of market stalls at Chunchucmil suggests that a thriving market economy existed in the Early Classic. officials to resolve disputes, enforce regulations, and collect taxes.[191]​.

Agriculture

The ancient Mayans had varied and sophisticated methods for food production. Previously, swidden agriculture (slash and burn) was believed to provide most of the food,[192] but today permanent raised fields, terraced fields, intensive gardening/horticulture, forest gardens and managed fallows are also thought to have been crucial in supporting the large populations of the Classic period in some areas.[193] Evidence of these different agricultural systems persists into the present; for example, aerial photography is possible. distinguish raised fields connected by canals.[194]​ In areas that had been densely populated in pre-Columbian times, the contemporary composition of jungle species shows a significantly greater abundance of species with economic value to the ancient Maya,[195]​ and records of pollen in lake sediments in Mesoamerica suggest that, since at least 2500 BC, corn, cassava, sunflower, cotton, and other plants, they were grown in association with deforestation.[196][197]​.

The basic foods of the Mayan diet were corn, beans, and pumpkins. These were complemented by a wide variety of other plants, grown in gardens or collected in the jungle. As a result of a volcanic eruption at Joya de Cerén, a record was preserved of the foods stored in Mayan homes, which included chili peppers and tomatoes. Cotton seeds were in the process of being ground, possibly to produce cooking oil. In addition to basic foods, the Mayans also produced prestigious crops, such as cotton, cocoa, and vanilla. Cocoa was especially prized by the elite, who consumed chocolate drinks.[198]​ Cotton was spun, dyed and woven to produce valuable textiles for trade.[199]​.

The Mayans had few domestic animals; "Dogs" were domesticated by 3000 BC, and the Muscovy duck by the Late Postclassic.[200] Ocellated turkeys were not suitable for domestication, but were captured in the wild and caged for fattening. All of these animals were intended for consumption; dogs were also used for hunting. It is possible that deer were also penned for fattening.[201]

Mayan art is essentially the art of the royal court. It deals almost exclusively with the Mayan elite and their world. Mayan art, made from perishable and non-perishable materials, served to connect the Mayans with their ancestors. Although surviving Mayan art only constitutes a small portion of what the Mayans created, it deals with a wider variety of themes than any other art tradition in the Americas.

The Mayans showed a preference for the color green or blue-green, and used the same word for the colors blue and green. Consequently, they placed a high value on green jade and other green stones&action=edit&redlink=1 "Green Stones (Archaeology) (not yet redacted)"), associating them with the Sun god K'inich Ajau. They sculpted artifacts ranging from fine beads and tesserae to carved heads weighing 4.42 kg.[207] The Mayan nobility practiced dental modification, and some lords wore jade inlays in their teeth. Mosaic funerary masks could also be made of jade, such as that of K'inich Janaab' Pakal, the king of Palenque.[208]​.

Mayan stone sculpture emerged in the archaeological record as a fully developed tradition, suggesting that it may have evolved from the tradition of wood sculpture.[210] Due to the biodegradability of wood, the corpus of wood work has almost completely disappeared. The few wooden artifacts that have survived include three-dimensional sculptures and panels with glyphs. Stone stelae are common at city sites, often paired with low circular stones, known as "altars" in the literature of Mayan archaeology. Stone sculpture also took other forms, such as the limestone "Relieve (art)") relief panels found at Palenque and Piedras Negras "Piedras". Negras (archaeological site)").[213]​ Stone stairs decorated with sculptures were also found in sites such as Yaxchilán, Dos Pilas, Copán, among others.[214]​ The Copán glyph staircase is made up of 2,200 individual glyphs and constitutes the longest known Mayan glyphic text.[215]​.

The largest Mayan sculptures were architectural facades made with stucco. The rough shape was set on a smooth plaster covering on the wall, and the three-dimensional shape was built with small stones. Finally, this was covered with stucco and molded into the final shape; The shapes of the human body were first modeled in stucco and then the costumes were added. Finally, the stucco sculpture was painted in bright colors.[216] By the Late Preclassic, temple facades were adorned with giant stucco masks, and this type of decoration continued throughout the Classic period.[217]

The Mayans had a long tradition of mural painting; Exquisite polychrome murals dating from between 300 and 200 BC were excavated at San Bartolo "San Bartolo (archaeological site)". C.[218]​ The polychrome designs were painted on walls covered in smooth plaster. Most of these murals no longer exist, but several preserved murals—painted in cream, red, and black—were found in Early Classic period tombs at Caracol, Río Azul "Río Azul (site)"), and Tikal. Among the best preserved murals, a series of large paintings from the Late Classic in Bonampak stands out.[219]​.

Generally, flint, flint, and obsidian served utilitarian purposes in Mayan culture, but many pieces were also found that were finely crafted into shapes that were never intended to be used as tools.[221]​ Eccentric flints are among the finest lithic artifacts produced by the ancient Maya.[222]​ In technical terms, they were very difficult to produce,[223]​ and required skill. considerable on the part of the craftsman. The largest obsidian eccentrics can be up to more than 30 cm in length.[224]​ Their shape can vary considerably, but they typically depict human figures, animals, and geometric shapes associated with the Mayan religion.[223]​ The eccentric flints show a wide variety of shapes, such as crescents, crosses, snakes, and scorpions.[225]​ The largest and most elaborate examples show multiple human heads of which some Sometimes smaller heads are detached.[226]​.

Mayan textiles are poorly represented in the archaeological record, although—compared to other pre-Columbian cultures, such as the Aztecs and the Andean region—they were likely high-value items.[227] Archaeologists recovered some textile fragments, but the best evidence for textile art is their representation in other media, such as murals or painted pottery. These secondary representations show the elite of the Mayan court adorned in sumptuous fabrics; In general, these would have been made of cotton, but jaguar skins and deer hides are also shown.[228]​.

Ceramics are the most common type of Mayan art in the archaeological record. The Mayans had no knowledge of the potter's wheel, and the vessels were made with the roll-warping technique&action=edit&redlink=1 "Roll (ceramic) (not yet written)") to obtain the desired shape. Mayan pottery was not glazed, although it often had a fine finish, produced by burnishing. It was painted with a clay bath mixed with minerals and colorful clays. The cooking techniques of the ancient Maya have not yet been replicated.[229] A number of extremely fine ceramic figurines were found in Late Classic tombs on the island of Jaina, northern Yucatán. They stand at a height between and were modeled by hand in great detail.[230] The Ik style polychrome ceramic corpus, including finely painted plates and cylindrical vessels, originated in the Late Classic at Motul de San José. It includes a number of features, such as glyphs painted in a pale pink or red color and scenes of masked dancers. One of the most distinctive features is the realistic representation of the themes, as they appeared in real life. The subjects of the vessels included the court life of the Petén region, in the century AD, such as diplomatic meetings, festivals, ritual bloodshed, scenes of warriors and the sacrifice of prisoners of war.[231]

Bone material, both human and animal, was also sculpted; the human bones may have been trophies, or relics of ancestors.[210]​ The Mayans valued shells of the genus Spondylus, and worked them to remove the white exterior and spines, and reveal the fine orange interior.[232]​ Around the century AD. C., metallurgy reached Mesoamerica from South America and the Mayans began to create small objects of gold, silver and copper. They generally worked the sheets of metal by hammering them into objects such as beads, rattles, and discs. In the last centuries before the Spanish conquest, the Mayans began to use the lost wax method to cast small pieces of metal.[233]​.

An understudied area of Mayan folk art is that of graffiti.[234] Additional graffiti, which was not part of the intended decoration, was etched into the stucco of interior walls, floors, and benches, in a wide variety of buildings, including temples, residences, and warehouses. Graffiti was found at 51 Mayan sites, primarily in the Petén Basin, southern Campeche, and the Chenes region&action=edit&redlink=1 "Chenes (Mayan architecture) (not yet redacted)") in northwestern Yucatan. At Tikal, a large quantity of graffiti was found, the subject matter of which included drawings of temples, people, deities, animals, banners, litters, and thrones. Often the graffiti was carelessly etched, and the drawings overlapped each other and showed a mixture of crude, unrefined art and examples by artists familiar with the artistic conventions of the period. Classic.[235]​.

Los mayas produjeron una gran variedad de estructuras arquitectónicas y dejaron un extenso legado arquitectónico, que sitúan a la civilización maya entre las grandes civilizaciones preindustriales del mundo. No obstante se trató de una arquitectura poco audaz, por lo limitado de sus recursos constructivos y por no usar herramientas metálicas ni metal en sus construcciones.[236]​ Tampoco aprovecharon las capacidades mecánicas de la piedra, ya que todavía no habían descubierto el arco de medio punto y la bóveda de cañón, sino que para ambos usaron la técnica de aproximación.[236]​ La arquitectura maya también incorpora textos jeroglíficos y varias formas de arte. La arquitectura de mampostería de los mayas es evidencia de la existencia de especialización artesanal en la sociedad maya, así como una organización centralizada y los medios políticos para movilizar una gran fuerza de trabajo. Se estima que para la construcción de una gran residencia de élite en Copán se necesitaba unos 10 686 días-hombre; en comparación, para la vivienda de un plebeyo se necesitaba aproximadamente 67 días-hombre.[237]​ Se estima además que el 65 % de la mano de obra requerida para construir una residencia noble fue utilizado para la extracción, el transporte, y el acabado de la piedra, y que se utilizó el 24 % de la mano de obra para la fabricación y aplicación del revestimiento de yeso. En total, se estima que se necesitaba dos o tres meses para la construcción de la residencia de un noble en Copán, utilizando entre 80 y 130 trabajadores a tiempo completo. Una ciudad del periodo Clásico como Tikal tenía una extensión de 20 km² y un núcleo urbano que cubrió 6 km². La mano de obra necesaria para construir una ciudad de este tamaño era inmensa, hasta muchos millones de días-hombre.[238]​ Las estructuras más grandes construidas por los mayas, fueron erigidas durante el período Preclásico.[239]​ Hacia el Preclásico Tardío la especialización artesanal requerida habría incluido a albañiles y yeseros dedicados, así como planificadores y arquitectos.[238]​.

urban design

Mayan cities were not formally planned and were subject to irregular expansion, leading to the unstructured addition of palaces, temples, and other buildings.[240] Most Mayan cities showed a tendency to grow outward from the center, and upward as new structures were superimposed on previous ones.

Materials and construction methods

The Mayans built their cities with Neolithic technology;[241] architectural structures were built from stone and perishable materials. The type of stone used in masonry construction varied according to the local resources available, which also influenced the style of construction. Limestone was available over a wide swath of the Mayan region.[242] Local limestone is relatively soft when freshly cut, but hardens with exposure to the environment. There was a great variety in the quality of limestone; Good quality stone was available in the Usumacinta region. In northern Yucatán, the limestone used for construction was of relatively low quality.[241]​ In Copán, volcanic tuff was used, and in Quiriguá, local sandstone.[242]​ Comalcalco did not have suitable stone nearby,[243]​ and fired brick was used.[242]​ To produce cement, plaster, and stucco, the limestone was burned at high temperatures. temperatures.[243] Lime-based cement was used to fix the stone in place, and the stone blocks were cut by abrasion with ropes and water, and with obsidian tools. The Mayans did not employ a functional wheel, and all loads were transported on litters, barges, or rolled into logs. Heavy loads were lifted with a rope, probably without using pulleys.[241]​.

Wood was used for beams and lintels, even in masonry structures.[244] Throughout Mayan history, common huts, and some of the temples, were built with wooden poles and straw. Adobe was also used, a mixture of mud reinforced with straw, which was applied as a covering to the walls of woven sticks. Like wood and straw, adobe construction was used throughout Mayan history, even after the development of masonry construction. In the south of the Mayan region, adobe was also used for monumental architecture if suitable stone was not available nearby.[243]​.

Main types of construction

The great cities of the Mayan civilization had pyramidal temples, palaces, fields for ball games, sacbeob (roads), patios and plazas. Some cities also had hydraulic systems or extensive defensive walls. The exterior of most buildings was painted, either in one or several colors, or with images. Many buildings were adorned with sculptures or painted stucco reliefs.[245]​.

These complexes were normally located in the center of the city, next to a main square. The Mayan palaces consisted of a platform that supported a structure of several rooms. The term acropolis, in the Mayan context, refers to a complex of structures built on platforms with different heights. The palaces and acropolis were essentially residential areas of the elite. They typically spread horizontally, unlike the tall Mayan pyramids, and often had a limited number of access points. Some structures of the acropolis supported crestings. The rooms often had stone benches, which were used for sleeping, and holes in the walls where curtains were hung. Larger palaces, such as at Palenque, could have their own water supply and steam baths that were often found within the complex, or nearby. During the Early Classic, rulers were sometimes buried beneath the Acropolis complex.[247] Some of the rooms in the palaces were throne rooms; The royal palace of Palenque had a number of throne rooms that were used for important events, including the inauguration of the new king.[248]

In general, the palaces, sometimes adorned with sculptures, were arranged around one or several courtyards, the facades facing inward.[249] Some palaces had glyphic descriptions that identified them as the royal residences of certain rulers. There is abundant evidence that palaces were much more than simply residences of the elite, and that they were rather the centers of a range of courtly activities, including audiences, formal receptions, and important rituals.[250]

Glyphic texts sometimes refer to temples as k'uh nah, meaning "house of God." Temples were built on top of platforms, and mainly on top of pyramids. The first temples were probably huts built on low platforms. By the Late Preclassic, temple walls were made of stone, and the development of the Mayan arch allowed the construction of stone roofs. By the classical period, temple roofs were covered with crests that extended their height and served as a basis for monumental art. The temple sanctuary contained between one and three rooms, dedicated to important deities, such as one of the city's patron gods, or a deified ancestor.[252]

The Mayans were keen observers of the Sun, stars, and planets.[253] They built temples with a special arrangement—known as Groups E")—whose occurrence was relatively common in the Mayan region;[254] they take their name from Group E at Uaxactún.[255] It consisted of three small structures in front of a fourth structure, and was used to mark the solstices and equinoxes. The earliest examples date back to the Preclassic.[254]​ The Lost World complex at Tikal was initially a Group E built in the late Middle Preclassic.[256]​ By its nature, the basic design of a Group E did not change over time. A structure was built on the west side of a plaza, usually a radial pyramid with stairs oriented towards the cardinal points. It was located to the west of the plaza, in front of three small temples located on the opposite side. on these temples during the solstices and equinoxes.[253]​ The E Groups were built throughout the central and southern Maya region for more than a millennium; not all were correctly aligned as observatories, and their function may have been symbolic.[257]​.

Regional architectural styles

Although Mayan cities shared many characteristics, there was considerable variation in architectural style.[276] These styles were influenced by locally available building materials, climate, topography, and local preferences. By the Late Classic, these local differences had developed into different regional architectural styles.[277]​.

The architectural style of central Petén, better known as "Petén style", developed in the large city of Tikal. The style is characterized by tall pyramids that support a sanctuary adorned with a cresting, with a single entrance. Other features include the combination of the stele and paired altar, as well as the decoration of architectural facades, lintels, and crestings with relief sculptures of rulers and deities.[277] One of the best examples of the architectural style of central Petén is the Temple of the Great Jaguar.[278] Other examples of the Petén style include Altun Ha, Calakmul, Holmul, Ixkún, Nakum, Naranjo, and Yaxhá.[279]​.

Uxmal is the best example of Puuc style architecture. The style developed in the hills of the Puuc region in northwestern Yucatán; during the Terminal Classic it extended beyond this region, throughout the northern Yucatán Peninsula.[277] Puuc style sites replaced rubble cores with gypsum cement, resulting in stronger walls. They also reinforced the Mayan arches,[280]​ which allowed the construction of independent entrance arches. The upper facades of buildings in the center of a city were decorated with pre-cut stones in a mosaic style, forming elaborate compositions of long-nosed deities, such as the rain god Chaac and Itzamna. Ornaments also included geometric patterns, lattices, and spools, possibly influenced by the styles of the Oaxacan highlands, outside the Mayan area. Instead, the lower part of the facades were left undecorated. Crestings were uncommon at Puuc sites.[281]

The Chenes style is very similar to the Puuc style, but it predates the use of mosaic facades from the Puuc region. The style is characterized by completely decorated facades, both the lower and upper parts. Some entrances were surrounded by mosaic masks of monsters representing mountain or sky deities, identifying them as entrances to the supernatural realm.[282] Some buildings had internal stairs to access the different levels.[283] The Chenes style is usually found in the southern part of the Yucatan Peninsula, although it is also possible to find individual buildings in this style in other parts of the peninsula.[282] Examples of cities in the Chenes style include Dzibilnocac, Hochob, Santa Rosa Xtampak") and Tabasqueño "Tabasqueño (archaeological site)").[283]​.

The Río Bec style represents a subregion of the Chenes style,[282] and also includes elements of the Petén style, such as prominent roof ridges.[284] Their palaces are distinctive for their false tower decorations, the absence of interior rooms, steep, almost vertical stairs, and false doors.[285] The towers were adorned with masks of deities, and were built to impress the viewer, rather than serve a practical function. These false towers are only found in the Bec River region.[282]​ Examples of sites in the Bec River style include Chicanná, Hormiguero "Anthill (archaeological site)") and Xpuhil.[284]​.

The historical Mayans did not speak a single language, but rather several languages ​​derived from an ancestral language called Proto-Mayan by linguists and which dates back to around 2000 BC. C.[286]​ Linguistic analysis of the reconstructed vocabulary of Protomayan suggests that it originated in the western or northwestern highlands of Guatemala, although the evidence is not conclusive.[4]​ During the Preclassic period, Protomayan diversified into different languages and several different Mayan subfamilies appeared that constitute the linguistic family, including the Huastecan, Quichean, and Quichean language groups. Kanjobalano-Chujeana, Mameana, Tzeltalano-Cholana, and Yucatecan.[20] These groups diverged during pre-Columbian times to currently consist of more than thirty languages that have survived into modern times.[287] The language of almost all Classic period Maya texts in the entire Maya area has been identified as Classical Choltí;[288] The Preclassic text Late Kaminaljuyú, in the highlands, also appears to be or be related to Classical Choltí or Cholano.[289]​ The use of Classical Choltí in Mayan texts does not necessarily indicate that it was the language used by the local population; rather, it may have been a liturgical or prestige language, equivalent to medieval Latin.[290]​ Classical Choltí may have been the prestige language of the Classic Maya elite, used in communication. between political entities, such as diplomacy and commerce.[291]​ During the Postclassic period, Yucatecan was also used in the Mayan codices, along with classical Choltí.[292]​.

El sistema de escritura maya fue uno de los logros sobresalientes de los habitantes precolombinos de América.[294]​ Fue el sistema de escritura más desarrollado y sofisticado de la docena, o más, de sistemas que surgieron en Mesoamérica.[295]​ No obstante, hay varios lingüistas que niegan que entre las culturas mesoamericanas hubiese alguna escritura con reglas gramaticales de morfología, análisis de palabras por género, número, función u ortografía, así como tampoco un orden establecido para ordenar frases y palabras en modelos que les permitiese componer ideas.[296]​ Las primeras inscripciones identificadas como escritura maya fueron encontradas en la cuenca del Petén y datan de 300-200 a. C.[297]​ Sin embargo, este fue precedido por varios otros sistemas de escritura mesoamericanos, como la escritura epi-olmeca y zapoteca. La escritura maya temprana apareció en la costa del Pacífico de Guatemala a finales del siglo d. C., o principios del siglo .[298]​ Las semejanzas entre la escritura ístmica y la escritura maya temprana de la costa del Pacífico, sugieren que ambos sistemas se desarrollaron en tándem.[299]​ Alrededor del año 250 d. C., la escritura maya se había convertido en un sistema de escritura más consistente y formalizado.[300]​.

La Iglesia católica y los funcionarios coloniales, en particular el obispo Diego de Landa, destruyeron los textos mayas donde los encontraron, y con ello el conocimiento de la escritura maya; no obstante, se preservaron tres libros precolombinos que datan del periodo Posclásico, cuya autenticidad no es discutida. Estos son conocidos como el Códice de Madrid, el Códice Dresde y el Códice de París.[301]​ También se conservaron algunas páginas de un cuarto libro, el Códice Grolier, cuya autenticidad es discutida. Las excavaciones arqueológicas que se están llevando a cabo en los sitios mayas a menudo revelan otros fragmentos, trozos rectangulares de yeso y fragmentos de pintura, que fueron códices; sin embargo, por la descomposición de la mayor parte del material orgánico, estos restos están demasiado dañados para poder identificar cualquier inscripción.[302]​ En referencia a los pocos escritos mayas existentes, Michael D. Coe, un arqueólogo destacado de la Universidad de Yale, comentó:.

La mayor parte de la escritura maya precolombina existente, data del periodo Clásico.

writing system

The Mayan writing system, often called Mayan hieroglyphs because of a superficial resemblance to Egyptian hieroglyphs,[303]​ is a logosyllabic writing system, combining a syllabary "Syllabary (writing system)") of phonetic signs, representing syllables, with logograms representing complete words.[304]​[305]​ Among the writing systems of the pre-Columbian New World, Mayan writing is the system closest to spoken language.[306] At any given time, no more than about five hundred glyphs were used, of which about two hundred (including variations) were phonetic.[304]

Maya writing reached its peak during the Classic Period, and was in use until the arrival of Europeans.[307] More than 10,000 individual texts were recovered, mostly inscriptions on stone monuments, lintels, stelae, and ceramics.[304] The Maya also produced painted texts on a type of paper made from tree bark, now known by its Nahuatl name amatl, which was used for the codices.[308]​[309]​ Knowledge of Mayan writing was preserved among various segments of the population until the Spanish conquest. However, this knowledge was lost due to the impact of the conquest on Mayan society.[310]​.

The decipherment and recovery of knowledge of Mayan writing has been a long and laborious process.[311]​ The first elements that were deciphered, at the end of the century and beginning of the century, were linked to numeration, the calendar, and Mayan astronomy.[312]​ There were important advances between the 1950s and 1970s, and from then on the decipherment process accelerated quickly.[313]​ By the end of the century, scientists could read most Mayan texts, and ongoing work continues to clarify the content of the texts.[314]​[315]​.

glyphic writing

The block of glyphs that transcribes a word or phrase is the basic unit of the Mayan glyphic text. The block is made up of one or more interconnected individual glyphs; Individual glyphic blocks are usually separated by a space. The glyphic blocks are generally arranged in a grid pattern. For ease of reference, epigraphers refer to glyphic blocks from left to right alphabetically, and from top to bottom numerically. This allows any glyphic block to be identified in a text, by its "coordinates": for example, C4 would be the third block from the left, and the fourth block counting down. If a monument or artifact has more than one inscription, the column labels are not repeated, but continue in the alphabetical series; if there are more than 26 columns, labeling continues as A', B', etc. Numeric row labels reset with 1 for each discrete unit of text.[316]​.

Although glyphic text can be arranged in different ways, glyphic blocks are generally structured in double columns. The reading order of the text starts at the top left (block A1), continues to the second block in the second column (B1), then goes down one row and starts again from the left block of the double column (A2), and so on in a zigzag fashion. Once the bottom end is reached, writing continues from the top left of the next double column. If the inscription ends in a single (unpaired) column, this final column is usually read from top to bottom.[317]​.

Individual glyph blocks can be composed of several elements. These include a main sign and a number of affixes. The main sign constitutes the most important element of the block, and can be a noun, verb, adverb, adjective or phonetic sign. Some of the main signs are abstract, others are images of the object they represent, and still others are "head variants", the personification of the word they represent. Affixes are smaller rectangular elements, usually linked to a main sign, although a block can also be composed solely of affixes. Affixes can represent a wide variety of speech elements, including nouns, verbs, verbal suffixes, prepositions, pronouns, and much more. The Mayans also used small sections of a main sign to represent the entire main sign, and Mayan scribes were very inventive in the use and adaptation of glyph elements.[318]

writing tools

Although the archaeological record does not provide examples of brushes or quills, analysis of ink strokes in Postclassic codices suggests that these were applied with a brush with a tip formed from flexible hair.[309] A sculpture from the Classic period in Copán, Honduras, depicts a scribe with an inkwell made from a snail shell.[319] Excavations at Aguateca revealed a number of artifacts from scribes who belonged to the elite, including trowels and mortars "Mortar (utensil)").[160]​.

Scribes and literacy

Most of the normal population were illiterate, the scribes came from the elite. It is not known whether all members of the aristocracy could read and write, some women also did, as there are representations of female scribes in Mayan art.[320] Mayan scribes were called aj tz'ib, which means "one who writes or paints."[321] It is likely that there were scribal schools, where members of the aristocracy learned to write.[322] It is possible to identify the activity of scribes in the archaeological record. The king of Tikal, Jasaw Chan K'awiil I, was buried with his paint pot, and some of the younger members of the royal dynasty of Copán "Copán (archaeological site)") were buried with their writing tools. A palace at Copán has been identified as that of a noble lineage of scribes.[323]

Although not much is known about the Mayan scribes, some signed their work, both on stone sculptures and on ceramics. Signed ceramic vessels usually bear the name of a single scribe. Instead, there are stone sculptures that bear the names of multiple sculptors, such as a stele in Piedras Negras that has the names of eight sculptors. However, most of the works remained unsigned by the artists who created them.

El sistema calendárico maya, como otros calendarios mesoamericanos, tuvo sus orígenes en el período Preclásico. Sin embargo, fueron los mayas que desarrollaron el calendario a un alto nivel de sofisticación, y lograron registrar con gran precisión los ciclos lunares y solares, los eclipses y los movimientos de los planetas. En algunos casos, los cálculos de los mayas eran más precisos que los cálculos equivalentes en el Viejo Mundo; por ejemplo, el año solar maya se calculó con mayor precisión que los años julianos. El calendario maya estaba intrínsecamente ligado al ritual maya, y era fundamental para las prácticas religiosas mayas.[328]​ El calendario combinó una cuenta larga no repetitiva con tres ciclos enganchados, cada uno midiendo un periodo progresivamente mayor. Estos fueron el tzolk'in de 260 días,[329]​ el haab' de 365 días,[330]​ y la rueda calendárica de 52 años, la que resultó de la combinación del tzolk'in y haab'.[331]​ También había ciclos calendáricos adicionales, como el ciclo de 819 días asociado con los cuatro cuadrantes de la cosmología maya y regidos por los cuatro aspectos del dios K'awiil.[332]​.

La unidad básica en el calendario maya era un día, o k'in"). Este se multiplicó por veinte para formar un winal"). La siguiente unidad, en lugar de ser multiplicado por 20, como lo requiere el sistema vigesimal, se multiplicaba por 18 con el fin de proporcionar una aproximación global del año solar (dando como resultado 360 días). Este año de 360 días era conocido como un tun&action=edit&redlink=1 "Tun (calendario maya) (aún no redactado)"). Cada nivel sucesivo de la multiplicación siguió el sistema vigesimal.[333]​.

Además, los mayas utilizaron tres ciclos de tiempo entrelazados —cada uno midiendo un período cada vez mayor— incluyendo el tzolk'in de 260 días,[329]​ el haab' de 365 días,[330]​ y la rueda calendárica de 52 años, que resulta de la combinación del tzolk'in y haab'.[331]​ Había ciclos calendáricos adicionales, como el ciclo de 819 días, asociado con los cuatro cuadrantes de la cosmología maya, determinados por los cuatro aspectos diferentes del dios K'awiil.[332]​.

El tzolk'in de 260 días proporcionó el ciclo básico de las ceremonias mayas, y los fundamentos de la profecía maya. No existe evidencia de alguna base astronómica para este conteo, y es posible que la cuenta de 260 días se basa en el período de gestación humana. Esta hipótesis se ve reforzada por el uso del tzolk'in para determinar las fechas de nacimiento, y proporcionar las profecías correspondientes. El ciclo de 260 días repite una serie de 20 nombres para los días, con un número prefijo del 1 al 13, para indicar en qué parte del ciclo se produce un día específico.[332]​.

El haab de 365 días se conformaba de un ciclo de dieciocho Winal, de 20 días nombrados cada uno, completado por un periodo adicional de 5 días, denominado Wayeb (o Uayeb).[334]​ El Wayeb se consideraba un periodo peligroso, en el que se rompieron los límites entre el reino sobrenatural y el de los mortales, permitiendo a las deidades malignas cruzar e interferir en los asuntos humanos.[331]​ Tal como ocurre en el tz'olkin, el nombre de cada winal recibe como prefijo un número (de 0 a 19), y en el caso del periodo más corto del Wayeb, los números de prefijos van de 0 a 4. Los mayas entrelazaron cada día del tz'olkin —designado con su propio nombre y número, por ejemplo, 8 Ajaw— con el haab, dándole un nombre y número adicional para producir una designación más completa para cualquier día, por ejemplo, 8 Ajaw 13 Keh. Dicha designación de un día específico solo podía repetirse una vez cada 52 años, y los mayistas se refieren a este periodo como la «rueda calendárica». En la mayoría de las culturas mesoamericanas, la rueda calendárica era la unidad más grande para medir el tiempo.[334]​.

Al igual que todos los calendarios no repetitivos, los mayas midieron el tiempo desde un punto de inicio preciso. Fijaron el inicio de su calendario en el final del ciclo de bak'tunes anterior, lo que equivale a un día del año 3114 a. C. Los mayas creían que en este día se produjo la creación del mundo en su forma actual. Los mayas utilizaron la cuenta larga para fijar un día determinado de la rueda calendárica dentro de su actual gran ciclo de Piktun, compuesto de 20 bak'tunes.

Había algunas variaciones en el calendario, como se pudo observar en un texto de Palenque que indica que el ciclo del piktun que terminó en 3114 a. C. se componía de apenas 13 bak'tunes, y otras inscripciones parecen haber utilizado un ciclo excepcional de bak'tunes para el ciclo del piktun actual.[a]​.

Una fecha completa en la cuenta larga se compone de un glifo introductorio, seguido por cinco glifos contando el número de bak'tunes, kat'unes, tunes, winales, y k'ines desde el inicio de la creación actual. Esto sería seguido por la parte del tz'olkin de la fecha de la rueda calendárica, y tras una serie de glifos interpuestos, la fecha de cuenta larga terminaría con la parte del haab de la fecha de la rueda calendárica.[335]​.

La cultura maya no contaba con un sistema de horas, minutos o segundos como el actual, sino en calendarios de ciclos rituales y solares —como el Tzolk’in, el Haab y la Cuenta Larga— que articulaban días, meses y años como unidades principales. El tiempo se entendía como animado y cíclico, no como una magnitud física divisible en fracciones menores.[336]​.

Long Count Calendar Correlation

Although the calendar wheel is still in use today,[b][337]​ the Maya began using an abbreviated calendar, known as the short count, during the Late Classic. The short count is a count of 13 k'atunes. For this reason, there is no direct correlation between the long count and the European calendar. The most accepted correlation is the Goodman-Martínez-Thompson correlation, also known as the GMT correlation. This equates the long count date 11.16.0.0.0 13 Ajaw 8 It agrees with the documentary evidence, and conforms better to the archeology of the Yucatan Peninsula, but presents problems with the rest of the Mayan region. GMT.[338]​.

The Mayans made meticulous observations of the celestial bodies, patiently recording astronomical data about the movements of the Sun, Moon, Venus, and stars. This information was used for divination, since Mayan astronomy essentially served astrological purposes. The purpose of Mayan astronomy was not the study of the universe for scientific reasons, nor the measurement of the seasons to calculate the planting of crops. It was rather used by the priesthood to understand past time cycles, and project them into the future in order to make prophecies. The Mayan priests refined their observations and recorded the eclipses of the Sun and Moon, the movements of Venus and those of the stars; These were compared with dated events from the past, on the assumption that similar events would occur in the future, as the same astronomical conditions prevailed.[342]​ Illustrations of the codices show that priests made astronomical observations with the naked eye, using crossed sticks as an observation device.[343]​ Analysis of the few remaining Postclassic codices revealed that, at the time of contact with Europeans, the Maya had developed tables of eclipses, calendars and astronomical knowledge that was more precise than comparable knowledge in Europe at this time.[344]​.

The Mayans measured Venus' cycle of 584 days with a margin of error of just two hours. Five cycles of Venus are equated to eight 365-day calendrical cycles of the haab calendar, and this period was recorded in the codices. The Mayans also followed the movements of Jupiter "Jupiter (planet)"), Mars "Mars (planet)") and Mercury "Mercury (planet)"). The appearance of Venus as the morning star was associated with the rebirth of the hero twins.[345] The Mayans associated the heliacal rising of Venus with destruction and upheaval in the world.[343] Venus was closely linked with war, and the glyph for "war" incorporated the glyphic element symbolizing the planet.[346] The sight lines of the windows of the El Caracol building at Chichén Itzá align with the north and south ends. of the trajectory of Venus.[343]​ Mayan rulers launched military campaigns at the time that coincided with the heliacal or cosmic rise of Venus, and also sacrificed important captives during these conjunctions.[346]​.

Solar and lunar eclipses were considered particularly threatening events, which could bring disaster to the world. The Dresden Codex includes mention of a solar eclipse, represented as a serpent devouring k'in, the glyph for "day." Eclipses were interpreted as if the Sun or Moon were bitten, and lunar tables were recorded for the purpose of predicting them and performing appropriate ceremonies to avoid disaster.[346]

Como el resto de Mesoamérica, los mayas tenían una religión politeísta y creían en un reino sobrenatural habitado por un conjunto de poderosas deidades. Estas deidades tenían que ser aplicadas con ofrendas ceremoniales y prácticas rituales.[347]​ En el centro de la práctica religiosa maya se encontraba el culto a los antepasados difuntos, que actuarían como intermediarios para sus descendientes vivos en el trato con los habitantes del reino sobrenatural.[348]​ Los primeros intermediarios entre los seres humanos y el reino sobrenatural eran los "chamanes".[349]​ A medida que la civilización maya se desarrolló, la élite gobernante codificó los conceptos generales de la sociedad maya, y los convirtió en cultos religiosos que justificaron su derecho a gobernar.[347]​ En el Preclásico Tardío,[350]​ el pináculo de este proceso fue la combinación del máximo poder político y religioso en el rey divino, el ajaw k'uhul.[349]​ Aunque es difícil de reconstruir el sistema de creencias a través de la arqueología, existen indicadores de la práctica ritual que dejan huellas físicas.[351]​ Estos incluyen depósitos dedicatorios y otros depósitos rituales, santuarios, tumbas y las ofrendas funerarias") correspondientes. Además, el conjunto del arte maya, la arquitectura y la escritura contribuye a la reconstrucción de las antiguas creencias mayas; estos pueden combinarse con fuentes etnográficas, incluidos los registros de las prácticas religiosas mayas elaboradas por los españoles durante la conquista.[352]​.

Los mayas tenían una visión altamente estructurada del cosmos; distinguieron trece niveles en el cielo, y nueve niveles en el inframundo; el mundo de los mortales ocupaba una posición entre el cielo y el inframundo. Cada nivel contaba con cuatro puntos cardinales, que se asociaban con un color diferente. Las principales deidades tenían aspectos asociados con estas direcciones y colores; el norte era blanco, el este era rojo, el sur era amarillo, y el oeste era negro.[353]​.

Las familias mayas enterraban a sus muertos debajo de los pisos de sus casas, junto con las ofrendas apropiadas para la posición social de la familia y, en algunos casos, acompañados de objetos (botones de jade en la boca del difunto, estatuillas a su lado...) con la finalidad de acompañarlos en el más allá, donde los difuntos podrían actuar como antepasados protectores. Como los linajes mayas eran patrilineales, a menudo se destacó la adoración de un prominente ancestro masculino con un santuario en el hogar. Sin embargo, esta costumbre popular no seguía los principios de la teología sacerdotal, pues la supervivencia del alma estaba reservada oficialmente solo a una minoría de elegidos, como el rey, los héroes o las víctimas que aceptaban el sacrificio.[354]​ A medida que la sociedad maya se desarrolló, y la élite se volvió más poderosa, la realeza maya desarrolló santuarios hogareños en las grandes pirámides, donde se encontraban las tumbas de sus antepasados.[348]​.

Se consideraba que las fuerzas sobrenaturales impregnaban la vida, influyéndola en todos sus aspectos, desde las actividades cotidianas más sencillas, tales como la preparación de alimentos, hasta el comercio, la política y las actividades de la élite. Las deidades mayas regían todos los aspectos del mundo, tanto visibles como invisibles.[352]​ El sacerdocio maya era un grupo cerrado, cuyos miembros provenían de la élite establecida; hacia el Clásico Temprano estaban grabando información ritual cada vez más compleja en sus libros glíficos, incluyendo observaciones astronómicas, ciclos calendáricos, acontecimientos históricos y mitológicos. Los sacerdotes realizaron ceremonias públicas que incluyeron banquetes, derramamientos de sangre, la quema de incienso, música, danza ritual, y, en ciertas ocasiones, sacrificios humanos. Durante el período Clásico, el gobernante maya era también el sumo sacerdote y el conducto directo entre los mortales y los dioses. Es muy probable que, entre los plebeyos, el chamanismo hubiera continuado de manera paralela a la religión del Estado. Por el Posclásico, el énfasis religioso había cambiado; hubo un incremento en el culto de las imágenes de deidades, y se buscaba recurso en los sacrificios humanos con mayor frecuencia.[355]​.

human sacrifice

Blood was considered a powerful food for Mayan deities, and the sacrifice of a living being was seen as a powerful blood offering. By extension, the sacrifice of a human life was considered the greatest blood offering to the gods, and therefore the most important Mayan rituals culminated in human sacrifice. Usually only high-ranking prisoners of war were sacrificed; Captives of lower ranks were used as labor.[356]​.

Important rituals, such as the dedication of large construction projects or the enthronement of a new ruler, required a human offering. The sacrifice of an enemy king was the most precious offering, and such a sacrifice meant that the death of the captive ruler was done with a ritual reenactment of the beheading of the corn god by the gods of death.[356] In the year 738, the vassal king K'ak' Tiliw Chan Yopaat of Quiriguá captured his lord, Uaxaclajuun Ub'aah K'awii of Copán, and a few days later, he ritually beheaded;[357] The ritual associated with the beheading of an enemy king may have taken the form of a ritual ball game, recreating the victory of the twin heroes over the gods of the underworld.[356] There are depictions of sacrifice by beheading in Classic Maya art, and the ritual was sometimes carried out after the victim was beaten, tortured, scalped, burned or gutted.[358]​ The myth of the twin heroes, included in the Popol Vuh, tells how one of the twins was decapitated by his opponents in the ball game.[359]​.

During the Postclassic period, the removal of the heart was the most common performance of human sacrifice, an influence from the practice of the Aztecs in the Valley of Mexico;[356]​ this ritual was usually carried out in a temple plaza, or on the top of a pyramid.[360]​ Depending on the specific ritual, sometimes the corpse would be skinned by the priests' assistants, except for the hands and feet. The officiating priest would then remove his ritual costume to dress in the skin of the sacrificial victim, and perform a ritual dance that symbolized the rebirth of life.[360] Archaeological investigations indicate that heart sacrifice was already practiced in the Classic period.[361]​.

Deities

The Mayan world was populated by a wide variety of deities, supernatural entities and sacred powers. The Mayans had such a broad interpretation of what was sacred that the identification of deities with different specific functions would be incorrect.[363] The Mayan interpretation of deities was intrinsically linked to the calendar, astronomy, and their worldview.[364] The importance of a deity, its characteristics and its associations, varied according to the movement of the celestial bodies. Therefore, priestly interpretation of astronomical records and books was crucial, as the priest would understand which deity needed the required ritual propitiation, when to perform the correct ceremonies, and what would be an appropriate offering. Each deity had four manifestations, associated with the cardinal directions, and each linked with a different color. It also had dichotomous aspects, such as day-night and life-death.[353]​.

Itzamna was the creator god, but he also embodied the cosmos, and was at the same time a solar god;[353] K'inich Ahau, the "day sun", was one of his aspects. Mayan kings were often identified with K'inich Ahau. Itzamna also had the aspect of "night sun", the Jaguar Night), representing the Sun on its journey through the underworld. The four Pawatun held the corners of the mortal realm; in the sky, the Bacab had a similar function. In addition to their four main aspects, the Bacab had dozens of other aspects that are still not well understood. The four Chaac were gods of storms), who controlled rain, thunder and lightning.[367]​ Each of the nine "lords of the night" ruled one of the kingdoms of the underworld.[366]​ Other important deities included the goddess of the Moon"), the god of corn, and the hero twins.[368]​.

The Popol Vuh, which was written in the Latin alphabet in colonial times, was probably the transcription of a glyphic book written by an unknown Quiche nobleman.[369]​ It is one of the most notable works of indigenous literature in America.[321]​ The Popol Vuh narrates the mythical creation of the world, the legend of the twin heroes, and the post-classical history of the Quiche kingdom.[369]​ The deities mentioned in The Popol Vuh include Hun Hunahpu, the corn god of the Quiche,[370]​ and a triad of gods headed by Tohil, the patron deity of the Quiche, and also including the Moon goddess, Awilix, and the mountain god, Jacawitz").[371]​.

Like other Mesoamerican cultures, the Mayans revered the feathered serpent deities. Its cult was rare during the Classic period,[372] but in the Postclassic the veneration of the feathered serpent had spread throughout the Yucatan Peninsula and the Guatemalan highlands. In Yucatán, the feathered serpent deity was Kukulkan,[373] among the Quiché it was Q'uq'umatz").[374]​ Kukulkan had its origins in the War Serpent") Waxaklahun Ubah Kan of the Classic period, and has also been identified as the post-classical version of the Vision Serpent"), known from Classic period Maya art.[375]​ Although the Kukulcán cult had its origins in these ancient Mayan traditions, it was strongly influenced by the Quetzalcóatl cult of central Mexico.[376]​ Likewise, Q'uq'umatz also had a composite origin, combining the attributes of the Mexican Quetzalcóatl with aspects of Itzamná of the Classic period.[377]​.

There are hundreds of Mayan archaeological sites distributed in five countries: Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico.[378]​ The six sites with especially outstanding architecture or sculpture are Chichén Itzá, Palenque, Uxmal, Comalcalco "Comalcalco (archaeological zone)"), Calakmul and Yaxchilán in Mexico, other important and notable sites are Tikal, El Mirador "El Mirador (Mayan city)"), Yaxhá, Zacaleu, Takalik Abaj, Kaminaljuyú or Quiriguá in Guatemala and Copán in Honduras. The main sites of the Puuc region, after Uxmal, are Kabáh, Labná, and Sayil. In the east of the Yucatán Peninsula, are Cobá and the small site of Tulum. Also in the west and center of El Salvador we find places of interest such as Tazumal, San Andrés "San Andrés (archaeological site)"), Cihuatán and Joya de Cerén, the only place where Mayan daily life is observed.[379]​.

The Bec River sites, at the base of the Yucatán Peninsula, include Becan, Chicanná, Kohunlich, and Xpuhil. The most notable sites in Chiapas, in addition to Palenque and Yaxchilán, are Toniná and Bonampak. In Tabasco, the most important sites besides Comalcalco are Moral Reforma "Moral Reforma (archaeological zone)"), and Pomoná. In the Guatemalan highlands, Iximché, Kaminaljuyú, Mixco Viejo, Takalik Abaj and Q'umarkaj, also known as Utatlán, stand out.[380] In the lowlands of northern Petén, in Guatemala, there are many sites, but, with the exception of Tikal, access is generally difficult. Some of the notable sites in the Petén are Dos Pilas, Ceibal, Piedras Negras "Black Stones (archaeological site)"), Naachtún, and Uaxactún.[381] Important sites in Belize include Altun Ha, El Caracol, and Xunantunich.[382]​.

There are a large number of museums that have Mayan artifacts in their collections. The Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies (FAMSI) includes more than 250 museums in its database of museums with Mayan artifacts,[383] and the European Association of Mayans (WAYEB) lists about 50 museums, in Europe alone.[384]

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