The total area of ​​commune 1 Popular is 3.0991 km² (309.9 ha).[1]​ According to the Emergency Plan of Commune 1,[8]​ the Popular sector includes land with slopes where most of its population lives. The neighborhoods Santo Domingo Savio No. 1 and No. 2, La Avanzada, Carpinelo and La Esperanza No. 2 are located in areas with slopes that exceed 40%.[8] In addition, El Popular, Granizal and some areas of Villa Guadalupe are located on slopes that range between 25% and 40%. There are sectors within the commune where the slopes reach more than 60%, placing them above the urban limits, which makes them unsuitable for the construction of any housing unit.[5][8]​.

This territory is home to the streams: La Seca or Cañada Negra, La Herrera or Granizal, Carevieja") or Villa Guadalupe, and El Zancudo, as well as El Aguacatillo and Chorro Oscuro 2. These water courses flow through very deep canyons, whose banks have been almost completely occupied by informal constructions. The reason for this occupation lies in the scarcity of land suitable for urban development and the low cost offered by these areas, which have witnessed disasters. due to flooding during rainy seasons.[5]​.

Commune 1 Popular is located in areas with significant inclinations, which generates a high rate of mass movements. Likewise, the problems derived from the occupation and the alteration of the channels of the streams increase the frequency of these movements on their slopes.[5]​.

Administratively speaking, the commune 1 Popular limits to the north with the Santa Rita neighborhood, belonging to the municipality of Bello "Bello (Antioquia)"); to the east, with the township of Santa Elena "Santa Elena (Medellín)"); to the south, with the María Cano Carambolas, San José La Cima and La Salle neighborhoods, of commune 3 Manrique "Manrique (Medellín)"); and to the west, with the neighborhoods Moscow No. 1, Villa del Socorro, La Francia and La Isla, of commune 2 Santa Cruz "Santa Cruz (Medellín)").[1]​.

Contenido

La historia de la comuna 1 Popular refleja un proceso sostenido de construcción territorial desde las bases sociales, en el que las comunidades han tenido un protagonismo comunitario en la conformación del entorno urbano. A través de prácticas como la autoconstrucción, la organización vecinal y la autogestión de servicios, los habitantes han respondido a contextos de exclusión, desplazamiento y conflicto. Las transformaciones experimentadas por el territorio se entrelazan con iniciativas colectivas y formas de resistencia local, que han contribuido a definir la identidad y las dinámicas sociales de la comuna.

Background

Since the middle of the century, Medellín experienced accelerated growth, driven by industrialization and a strong process of internal migration from rural areas of Antioquia. Between 1938 and 1973, the city's population increased from about 168,300 inhabitants to more than 1,150,000, as a result of displacements motivated by political violence, poverty, and agrarian problems associated with the period known as La Violencia (1946-1966).[9] These population flows settled in the city without it having the necessary urban planning capacity to integrate them. appropriately.[9][10]​.

This urban growth contrasted with the informal occupation processes that took place in the northeastern periphery, where new inhabitants arrived on steep and unused land, without planning or public services. There, a self-built settlement was developed, through invasions and collective subdivisions.[11]​[9]​ According to various studies on popular urbanization in Medellín, this model was characterized by an urban colonization of a community and solidarity type, which spread over lands considered unbuildable by official technical parameters.[12]​.

In the case of the 1 Popular commune, the first buildings arose between the 1950s and early 1960s, in neighborhoods such as Moscow 1, Granizal, Villa de Guadalupe and San Pablo. These settlements originated through collective invasions and self-construction on unstable soils, with steep slopes and near ravines, which increased the risks of landslides and flooding.[13]​[14]​ In this context, the homes were built empirically, without reserves for public space or adequate access to urban infrastructure.[13][9]​.

This process reflects the conflict-migration-urban colonization cycle described by Aprile-Gniset and taken up in subsequent research: a territorial dynamic that begins with forced displacements, continues with the formation of popular neighborhoods through self-construction and culminates in the consolidation of communities through neighborhood cooperation networks.[11]​[9]​[12]​.

Urban consolidation and armed conflict

During the 1960s and 1970s, neighborhoods such as Santo Domingo Savio n.º1, Santo Domingo Savio n.º2, Granizal and Popular were consolidated. The expansion continued towards peri-urban areas with the appearance of settlements such as El Compromiso, Aldea Pablo VI, La Esperanza n.º2 and Carpinelo, which were formalized as neighborhoods in 1993. In this context, a large part of the basic infrastructure works was promoted through community self-management, given the limited state intervention.[15]​.

Starting in the 1980s, the territory became a scene of urban conflict due to the presence of militias and illegal armed groups that disputed territorial control. One of these groups was the Popular Militias of the People and for the People (MPPP), founded around 1986 in the Popular neighborhood1.[16]​ The MPPP exercised territorial control through practices such as the so-called "social cleansing", the collection of extortions and the informal administration of justice.[17][18]​.

In the early 1990s, these groups began to lose legitimacy due to abuses against the civilian population. In May 1994, around 650 people linked to the militias signed a demobilization agreement with representatives of the national and municipal governments.[19]​ As part of the process, the Community Security Cooperative (Coosercom) was created, made up of former militia members, although it was later dissolved due to internal conflicts.[20]​.

However, demobilization did not end the conflict. Some ex-militia members formed new armed structures, such as the People's Armed Commands "Comandos Armados del Pueblo (Colombia)") (CAP), which emerged in Commune13 around 1996 with links to remnants of the MPPP.[21]​ At the same time, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) invaded Medellín, intensifying urban violence.[22]​.

These dynamics generated new forms of armed control in the neighborhoods, reconfiguring local violence through networks of microtrafficking, extortion, and invisible borders. Faced with this, the State deployed armed interventions and urban security strategies in the 2000s, with disparate results in terms of pacification and territorial governance.[23]​.

Institutional intervention and social urbanism

At the beginning of the century, the municipal administration promoted a series of urban interventions under the model of social urbanism"), aimed at improving the physical and social integration of peripheral sectors such as the Popular commune. One of the milestones was the inauguration of line K of the Metrocable "Line K (Medellín Metrocable)") in 2004, which connected the northeastern area with the mass transportation system of the Medellín Metro. From this work, projects such as the Northeastern PUI"), the Metropolitan Green Belt&action=edit&redlink=1 "Green Belt (Medellín) (not yet drafted)") and several Articulated Life Units").[24]​.

These initiatives transformed the environment through the construction of public infrastructure, parks, ecological trails and neighborhood facilities. In some cases – such as the Green Belt – they were well received by the community and highlighted for their participatory approach. Others, however, generated controversy. The España Library, inaugurated in 2007 as a symbol of social urbanism, presented serious structural deterioration a few years after its opening, which led to its closure in 2015 and a prolonged repair process that affected its cultural and educational function.[25][26]​.

Researchers and community leaders have variously assessed the scope of these transformations. While some highlight its contribution to connectivity and the symbolic recognition of historically marginalized sectors, others highlight the persistence of structural problems such as unemployment, poverty and insecurity.[27]​[28]​.

Despite multiple institutional interventions, various community sectors have expressed dissatisfaction with the execution and continuity of the projects, as well as with the lack of comprehensive solutions to the conditions of vulnerability in the northeastern area. These criticisms point out that, although infrastructure and connectivity were improved, deep inequalities related to poverty, unemployment, insecurity and informal control of the territory persist.[27]​[28]​.

According to the Administrative Department of Municipal Planning, the commune 1 Popular presents a political-administrative division composed of twelve neighborhoods, in accordance with Decree 346 of 2000.[4]​ The regulations mention as members of this commune the neighborhoods Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Santo Domingo Savio No. 2, Granizal, Popular, Moscow No. 2, Villa Guadalupe, San Pablo, Aldea Pablo VI, La Esperanza No. 2, La Avanzada, Carpinelo and El Compromiso.[4][29]​.

Despite this, the community recognizes the existence of twenty-one neighborhoods, equivalent to sectors according to Municipal Planning. Each one has a Community Action Board, recognized by both the Secretariat of Citizen Participation and the community itself, and which operates within clearly defined areas of action for the development of its activities.[30]​[29]​.

These neighborhoods are: La Esperanza No. 2, La Avanzada, Nuestra Señora del Rocío, Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Santa María La Torre, Santo Domingo No. 2, Nuevo Horizonte, Popular 1, Popular 2 Parte Central, Popular 2, Granizal, San Pablo 1, San Pablo 2, El Compromiso, Carpinelo 1, Carpinelo 2, Santa Cecilia 1, Santa Cecilia 2, Marco Fidel Suárez, Guadalupe Lower Part and Central Guadalupe.[29]​.

† To date, there are no official sources that record the area of ​​each neighborhood of the 1 Popular commune. This information could be obtained from municipal cadastral bases.

Population

According to DANE's demographic projection in 2010, it was anticipated that the population for the year 2014 would be 129,781 people, equivalent to 5.32% of the city's total. This projection revealed that 61,508 would be men (47.39%) and 68,273 women (52.61%), which reflects a slight majority of women.[5]​.

It is relevant to mention that, according to the records of the Identification System of Potential Beneficiaries of Social Programs,[31]​ the population of the commune in March 2014 was 149,161 people, a difference of 19,380 compared to DANE projections for that same year. Given the above, in the following sections the DANE information will be taken as reference for the population analysis.[5]​.

Population growth rate

Commune 1 Popular presents a growing trend in its population. In 2005, the year in which phase 1 of the diagnosis of the Local Development Plan began, the population was 122,067 people. By 2014, this figure rose to 129,781, implying a growth rate of 5.94% over a nine-year period. This increase is also reflected in density, which went from 393.76 inhabitants per hectare in 2005 to 418.65 in 2014.[32]​.

In contrast, the fertility rate decreased from 3.4 in 1993 to 2.71 during the period 2011-2015. From this perspective, the population growth of the commune is explained by both births and immigration. It should be noted that, since its founding, the 1 Popular commune has been a destination for low-income populations. The following graph details the population growth between 2005 and 2014.[32]​.

Mortality rate

The report on the epidemiological profile of commune 1 Popular for the period 2005-2012 (2013) indicates that its general mortality rate has been above the city average. The year with the greatest difference was 2009, with 580.2 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants, compared to an urban average of 451.9. Starting in 2011, the rate began to decrease, going from 525.1 in 2010 to 408.6.[33]​.

Mortality is mainly associated with diseases of the circulatory system, followed by neoplasms (tumors), external causes and communicable diseases. Within the circulatory system, ischemic heart and cerebrovascular diseases stand out. Regarding external causes, a high incidence of homicides is evident, especially in the years 2009 and 2010.[33]​.

By sex, men have higher mortality from external causes and diseases of the circulatory system, while in women diseases of the circulatory system and, to a lesser extent, neoplasms predominate.[33]​.

In relation to childhood, Medellín in Figures No. 4[34]​ reports that in 2012 two deaths were recorded due to malnutrition, one in commune 1 and another in Robledo, raising the rate to 1.37 per 100,000 children under five years of age.[35]​.

In the same year, Medellín's infant mortality rate was 10.87 deaths per thousand live births. Commune 1 had the highest infant mortality rate in the city in that period.[36][35]​.

Regarding cervical cancer, the communes of Manrique and Popular have rates higher than the city average, exceeding 5.03 deaths per 100,000 women.[37][35]​.

Population structure

According to projections by age groups, 52.90% of the population is made up of people between 0 and 29 years old. The group of 30 to 59 years old represents 37.48%, while that of 60 years or older corresponds to 9.62%. These figures reflect a high concentration in key ages for educational processes.[32]​.

The working-age population is approximately 50%, and older adults represent less than 10%. The following table and graphs present the data by age and sex, according to DANE.[32]​.

The ethnic composition is headed by the mestizo group, with 106,865 people (82.75%), followed by the white group with 17,978 (13.92%). Afro-descendants number 2,852 people (2.21%), while the Raizal and indigenous groups have a minority representation.[38]​.

Although the table above presents a general overview of the ethnic composition, the indigenous presence in the commune has been documented in greater detail by the *Indigenous Population Survey of the Municipality of Medellín* (2013). According to this source, three families from the Yanacona ethnic group and one from the Inga ethnic group were identified. The two Yanacona families reside in the Santa Cecilia neighborhood, while the Inga family lives in Santo Domingo.[38]​.

Architecture

Commune 1 Popular is characterized by predominantly housing homes belonging to socioeconomic strata 1 and 2.[31]​ This area has one of the highest densities of homes per hectare in Medellín and is distinguished by the presence of unplanned constructions, many of them located in risk areas. Furthermore, a significant number of homes have been built with inadequate materials and lack complete access to public services, which constitutes one of the main challenges for the housing development of the commune.[8][39]​.

According to SISBEN data from 2014,[31]​ approximately 46% of the homes are fully paid for ownership, 42% are leased, 10% correspond to other modalities, and about 2% are owned homes in the process of payment. When analyzing the data by neighborhood, it is observed that the results are relatively consistent with the communal averages, except in Carpinelo, where more than 50% of the homes are settled property. In contrast, in the San Pablo neighborhood, renting (48%) predominates over ownership (38%). The same report indicates that the majority of households reside in houses or apartments, although approximately 3% of the population reports living in a single room.[40]​.

Most of the homes are built with materials such as block, brick, stone and polished wood, which represent a total of 27,882 homes, equivalent to 80.80% of the total number of families surveyed. However, constructions with non-permanent materials are also identified, such as board, recycled material or guadua, which total 1,821 homes, corresponding to 5.28% of the total.[41]​.

Despite the progress made in housing matters—such as the improvement of housing, acquisition of subsidized solutions, legalization of properties and access to public services—there remains a high number of homes that require intervention. In this context, macroprojects have been developed such as the Medellín Metrocable, the Green Belt&action=edit&redlink=1 "Green Belt (Medellín) (not yet drafted)") and the Articulated Living Units, which not only improve the urban environment, but also allow the relocation of homes located in risk areas, thus contributing to the improvement of habitable conditions.[42]​.

The physical environment of the commune is complemented by public spaces and community facilities that strengthen the quality of life of its inhabitants.

Public space and equipment

The concept of public space includes permanent urban areas intended for collective use, such as squares, small squares, parks and other open access spaces, whose function is to promote social integration and equitable access to the urban environment. In this area of ​​the northeast of Medellín, the existence of effective public space is recognized[43]​ that includes panoramic viewpoints, the linear park of the La Rosa ravine, the Santo Domingo hill, the Santo Domingo Savio Library park, the La Esperanza Articulated Life Unit and various green recreational areas on Carrera 32, as well as on streets 100, 95, 94, 39, and in the vicinity of the Popular station "Estación Popular (Medellín Metrocable)") of the Metrocable, among other points.[44]​[8]​.

According to the Local Development Plan Commune 1. Phase 6: Articulated execution of strategic projects, prepared by the Convivamos Corporation in 2012, two panoramic viewpoints had been built up to that date: one on the road that leads to Guarne, at 102nd Street, and another near the soccer field in the Granizal neighborhood. Both spaces were conceived as community meeting places.[44]​.

This same plan warns about the deficit of public space and high vehicle density in neighborhoods such as El Popular, Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Granizal, Moscow No. 2 and San Pablo.[43]​ Based on this diagnosis, the objective was established to increase effective public space and supervise the processes of informal settlement on public and private lands. The municipality has been carrying out actions aimed at addressing this problem.[45]​.

Regarding urban facilities, according to the inventory of the District Equipment System (valid 2023), prepared by the Administrative Department of Planning of Medellín"), the following main elements are identified:

• - 12 official educational institutions.

• - 3 libraries.

• - 5 health centers.

• - 7 Articulated Life Units"),.

• - more than 40 sports facilities, among which the Granizal Sports Unit stands out, as well as the micro-soccer fields of VillaGuadalupe, Carpinelo and Santo Domingo Savio.

• - 3 stations of the Metrocable system (Popular, Santo Domingo and Arví).

• - the House of Justice,.

• - in addition to several locations of the Buen Comienzo program, aimed at early childhood care.[46]​.

La comuna 1 Popular presenta una red vial sin una planificación adecuada, lo que se traduce en un sistema discontinuo y caótico que dificulta la movilidad. Se identifican calles sin señalización, con interrupciones en su trazado y de dimensiones reducidas, lo que, si bien permite el tránsito en doble sentido, lo complica considerablemente. A ello se suma una topografía accidentada, con elementos geográficos como cauces y quebradas que actúan como barreras naturales entre sectores.[8]​.

Connections

The main road axes of the commune are Carrera 39, Carrera 42B, Carrera 46 and Calle 107B.[43]​ In terms of transportation, the commune has line K "Line K (Metrocable de Medellín)") of the Medellín Metrocable, as well as feeder routes and traditional public transport.[6]​.

The commune benefits from the presence of a mass transportation system, which facilitates access to the territory for both residents and visitors.

Line K of the Metrocable was built in the northeastern area of ​​the city, crossing the communes 1 Popular and 2 Santa Cruz, which arose as a result of informal occupation and illegal subdivision during the 1950s and 1960s. Its spatial configuration responds to processes of "illegal occupation of land by immigrants from the countryside to the city and their processes of legalization and integration into the urban environment."[47]​.

Before the arrival of the Metrocable, the communes 1 Popular and 2 Santa Cruz were highly stigmatized, with an image of marginalized, impoverished, violent and out of control sectors.[48]​ In this context of social exclusion and weak state presence, the territory was controlled by mafia organizations that instrumentalized youth groups to dispute territorial dominance. Their objective was to exercise control over micro-drug trafficking and extort bus drivers and small merchants. One of the most notable effects was the imposition of invisible borders between neighborhoods, which restricted the free movement of people.[49]​.

Line K was consolidated as an axis and model for subsequent interventions, integrated within the framework of the Comprehensive Urban Project. These projects sought to articulate the cable car with the urban fabric to generate new dynamics of local development, through joint actions in transportation, the environment, housing and public space. The PUIs were part of a broader policy of urban improvement called "social urbanism"), which included the construction of library parks, quality schools and a sustained investment in education and technology. However, the social impact and long-term sustainability of these interventions remain the subject of debate.[50]​.

La dinámica económica de la comuna 1 Popular refleja una interacción constante entre las capacidades humanas y las restricciones estructurales que condicionan las oportunidades de sus habitantes. El comercio local, los servicios comunitarios y las pequeñas actividades productivas se configuran como pilares fundamentales que no solo satisfacen necesidades inmediatas, sino que también crean espacios que amplían las libertades reales de la comunidad. Este entramado económico pone de manifiesto la capacidad de adaptación de una población que, mediante sus prácticas cotidianas, transforma de forma continua sus posibilidades de desarrollo y bienestar.

Con base en la información obtenida de los Comités Barriales de Planeación, realizados entre el 6 y el 16 de marzo de 2015, de los Encuentros Nodales del 20 al 22 de marzo del mismo año, y de entrevistas aplicadas por animadores barriales a las Juntas de Acción Comunal y la comunidad en general, se identificaron diversas problemáticas señaladas por los habitantes. Entre ellas destacan la escasez de oportunidades laborales, la falta de formación para el empleo, las dificultades de empleabilidad que enfrentan las madres cabeza de hogar y los retos asociados con la creación y sostenibilidad de empresas y microempresas.[51]​.

Employment

Statistics on daily activities, according to the Identification System of Potential Beneficiaries of Social Programs (2014),[31]​ indicate that, of the 148,636 people surveyed, 45,764 were studying, 41,599 were working, 29,224 were not carrying out any activity, 24,961 were dedicated to household chores and 4,923 were looking for employment. From these data it is concluded that the majority is linked to the educational field, while only 28% of the population worked, without specifying whether it was formal or informal employment. Likewise, only 3.31% of the population was looking for work, despite the fact that nearly a third declared that they were not carrying out any activity.[52]​.

The study by neighborhood shows that the most common activity is studying, which is related to the high proportion of children and young people between 0 and 19 years old. The next most frequent activities are working, not being active, and spending time at home. The highest concentration of people looking for work is found in the Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Popular and Moscow No. 2 neighborhoods.[53]​.

Regarding the time spent looking for a job, data from SISBEN[31]​ reveal that the most common option was "has not searched", followed by the waiting ranges between 9 and 12 weeks, and between 1 and 4 weeks. This suggests that a significant portion of the working-age population is not actively seeking employment. Among those who do, the average search time is similar: 466 people did so for 13 to 18 weeks and 885 for 9 to 12 weeks.[54]​.

Income

According to Sisbén statistics (2014)[31], in the 1 Popular commune more than 100,000 inhabitants reported having no monthly income, which represents approximately 67.26% of the surveyed population. Among those who do earn income, the majority is in the range of $400,001 to $500,000 pesos per month, followed by those who earn between $500,001 and $700,000. Only 1.02% reported income greater than $700,000 pesos. Below is the estimated income distribution:

In this context, the need to promote economic initiatives that generate legal and sustainable options for obtaining income is evident, which would contribute to the general well-being of the population.[56]​.

Additionally, the Quality of Life Survey of the Administrative Department of Planning (2013)[57]​ indicated that in commune 1, most of the income was allocated to the purchase of food, followed by the payment of public services, communications, transportation and, to a lesser extent, clothing and footwear. A significant difference in income between men and women was also evident, with greater employability for the former. Many women, on the contrary, dedicated themselves exclusively to household chores or did not carry out any paid activity.[56]​.

Formal and informal trade

According to the census of housing and commercial activities prepared by the University of Antioquia in Medellín, commune 1 had 1,732 commercial establishments. Economic activities are grouped into the categories of commerce, services, equipment, industry and agriculture.[58]​.

Commerce represents the main economic activity, with 1,062 establishments; They are followed by services with 526, equipment with 82, industry with 61, and finally agriculture, with a single establishment. These data show an economy based mainly on commerce and services.[59]​.

Within the commercial sector, three main subcategories stand out. The most representative is "retail trade in non-specialized establishments with an assortment consisting mainly of food, beverages or tobacco", with 600 establishments. This is followed by "retail trade in non-specialized establishments, with an assortment consisting mainly of products other than food, beverages and tobacco", with 75 stores, and "retail trade of beverages and tobacco products in specialized establishments", with 44 establishments.[59]​.

Regarding informal work, organizational processes have been promoted such as that of the Corporación de Venteros Unidos (CORVEUN), located in the Villa Guadalupe park. This organization advises informal sellers on marketing and contract issues.[59]​.

Social and community organizations

The 1 Popular commune has a wide variety of organizations that are grouped according to political, cultural, sports, sex, age and economic development interests, among others. By 2014, approximately 150 organizations were registered.[60]​.

Among the most prominent actors are the Community Action Boards, present in each neighborhood of the commune. These boards play a central role in the articulation of community initiatives and represent an organizational structure widely recognized by the inhabitants. They are joined by the Local Administrative Board "Local Administrative Board (Colombia)"), as well as groups that develop artistic, sports and support activities for the elderly population.

The articulation of these entities has been key to the progress of the commune, so strengthening existing organizations and promoting the creation of new community structures constitutes one of the strategies contemplated in the Local Development Plan.[61]​.

Catering

The data provided by SISBEN in 2014[31]​ indicate that in commune 1 there are 34,465 homes that receive electricity service, while 42 do not have access to this service. The neighborhoods with the most homes without energy are Popular, with 11; Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, with 10; and La Avanzada, with 8.[62]​.

Regarding sewage service, 32,810 homes have it, while 1,697 do not have this infrastructure.[31]​ The neighborhoods with the highest number of homes without sewage are Carpinelo, with 293; Moscow No. 2, with 273; La Avanzada, with 246; and Popular, with 230.[62]​.

Domestic natural gas is the service with the least coverage. Only 8,341 homes have it, while 26,166 do not.[31]​ The neighborhoods with the most homes with this service are Popular, with 2,632; Villa Guadalupe, with 1,798; and San Pablo, with 1,561.[63]​.

Commune 1 houses 26,343 homes with landline telephone service, and 8,164 that do not have it. The neighborhoods with the most homes without this service are Popular, with 1,533; Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, with 1,522; and Carpinelo, with 827.[64]​.

Regarding the aqueduct, 34,066 homes are connected to the network, while 441 are not. The greatest shortcomings are in Carpinelo, with 136 homes; Popular, with 69; Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, with 60; and La Avanzada, with 52.[64]​.

In general, the coverage of public services such as electricity, sewage, water supply and landline telephones exceeds 90% in commune 1. However, domestic natural gas barely reaches coverage close to 25%. Although the general outlook is favorable, there are still homes without access to essential services, which, depending on their location, can lead to unhealthy conditions, especially in cases of absence of sewage or aqueduct.[65]​.

Education

The information provided by the Ministry of Education of Medellín, corresponding to 2014, indicates that official educational institutions predominate in the commune, numbering 25, compared to 12 private ones, of which 10 operate through direct contracting. These figures suggest that educational quality and coverage are closely related to the policies and management of public entities.[66]​.

Educational coverage in the commune is calculated from the comparison between the enrollments registered by the Ministry of Education of Medellín and the school-age population. As of December 2014, 31,581 students were reported enrolled. For its part, the school-age population—from 5 to 16 years old—was estimated at 27,714 people, according to DANE projections for that same year. This relationship gives an educational coverage of 113.95%.[67]​.

It should be noted that the enrollment figures mentioned correspond to students registered in educational establishments, but not necessarily to the final enrollment for the year. Furthermore, the enrollment data is associated with the location of the educational establishment, which does not always coincide with the student's place of residence. Therefore, it is possible that students enrolled in commune 1 reside in other communes, or that those who live in the commune are enrolled in institutions outside it.[68]​.

Regarding comprehensive early childhood care, the Ministry of Education reported that, as of November 2014, there were 914 pregnant and lactating mothers enrolled, along with 6,510 boys and girls, which totals 7,424 people served.[68]​.

Regarding higher education, the attendance rate among young people between 17 and 21 years old—according to the Medellín Quality of Life Survey (2012)—shows wide differences between communes. The highest rates are recorded in communes with greater development, such as El Poblado, La América "La América (Medellín)") and Laureles-Estadio "Laureles-Estadio (Medellín)"). In contrast, the communes of Santa Cruz, Popular and the township of San Cristóbal present rates of less than 40% for that year.[69]​.

Hygiene

According to the 2014 SISBEN survey,[31]​ in Commune 1 Popular, 32,764 homes had a toilet connected to the sewage network. However, 1,431 homes had a toilet without connection to the sewer or septic tank. In addition, 188 homes were identified with a toilet connected to a septic tank, 75 with a latrine or low tide, and 49 homes that did not have any type of sanitary service.[70]​.

At the neighborhood level, the situation is similar. The sectors with the highest number of homes without adequate connection to the sanitary system are Carpinelo, Moscow No. 2, La Avanzada and Popular, where homes with toilets without connection to sewage networks or septic systems predominate.[70]​.

Health

The network of health facilities in Commune 1 Popular is made up of five health centers and two hospital units. Although the latter are located outside the limits of the commune, they are at the service of their population.[71]​.

According to the 2014 SISBEN survey,[31]​ 43.60% of the inhabitants of the commune were affiliated with an EPS of the subsidized regime. In second place is the population without health coverage, which represented 30.59%. For their part, 22.24% were affiliated with the contributory regime, 3.21% with the New EPS, and 0.36% belonged to special regimes.[72]​.

These data reveal that 69.41% of the population – that is, 103,168 people – was affiliated with the social health security system, while 30.59%, equivalent to 45,468 people, lacked coverage. This situation raises the need to implement policies that improve access to health services in the commune.[72]​.

The comparison between data from 2009 and 2014 shows progress in coverage. In 2009, 75,315 people (49.19% of the total 153,122 inhabitants) were not affiliated with any scheme. In 2014, this figure was reduced to 45,468 people (30.48% of the total of 149,161).[71]​.

The first population study on mental health in Medellín, carried out in 2012, showed a very high risk of mental disorders in the communes Popular, Manrique, Aranjuez") and Santa Cruz. In contrast, the communes of Laureles-Estadio") and El Poblado") presented the lowest risk levels.[73]​.

In particular, Commune 1 presented high levels of prevalence in disorders such as generalized anxiety, agoraphobia, specific and social phobias, separation anxiety, major depression, dysthymia, bipolar disorder, attention deficit and suicidal ideation.[73]​.

Regarding substance use in 2014, 33.2% of alcohol consumption was recorded, followed by 3.3% of marijuana, 1.3% of cocaine and derivatives, 1.3% of non-prescription drugs and 1.1% of heroin and other substances. The prevalence of substance use disorders was higher among men.[73]​.

According to the 2014 SISBEN survey, 2,747 people with some disability were registered in Commune 1 Popular, which is equivalent to 1.85% of the 148,636 individuals surveyed. Of this population, 74.34% were in the lowest SISBEN scores (between 0.01 and 36.32); 8.26% were between 36.33 and 39.32; 9.43% between 39.33 and 46.50; and the remaining percentage was distributed in values ​​less than 1.13%.[35]​.

Regarding the type of disability, the SISBEN 2013 report recorded a total of 2,761 people with some limiting condition. Of them, 34.70% had difficulties understanding or learning, 20.97% had difficulties moving or walking on their own, and 20.17% had difficulties going outside without help. Likewise, 9.31% suffered from total deafness, while the remaining cases, which do not exceed 7.39%, corresponded to difficulties bathing, dressing or feeding themselves without assistance, as well as conditions of muteness or total blindness.[74]​.

Security

In 2014, Commune 1 Popular had 5 security cameras, 7 quadrants, 26 motorcycles, 18 cars, a police station and an Immediate Attention Command. The security strategy was organized by quadrants, in order to prevent and interrupt the crime cycle in the commune.[78]​[79]​.

According to the Comprehensive Security and Coexistence Plan 2012-2015 of the Municipality of Medellín, during the years 2009 and 2010 there was an increase in crime, reaching 179 and 138 homicides, respectively. In the following years, 2011 and 2012, homicides decreased to 26 cases each year. The most frequent crimes in that period were violations of Childhood Law 1098 and domestic violence.[80]​.

According to the Medellín Personería, in 2014 the commune registered 13 homicides, a figure lower than the 26 cases that occurred in 2012. Compared to other communes, Popular had one of the lowest homicide rates. For example, commune 10 La Candelaria "La Candelaria (Medellín)") had 116 homicides, commune 13 San Javier "San Javier (Medellín)") 63, commune 7 Robledo "Robledo (Medellín)") 59 and commune 4 Aranjuez "Aranjuez (Medellín)") 57.[81]​.

Regarding suicides, the commune was located in the average of the city, with five cases registered in 2014. The highest figures were presented in commune 14 El Poblado "El Poblado (Medellín)") (12 cases), commune 10 La Candelaria (11) and commune 16 Belén "Belén (Medellín)") (9 cases).[81]​.

In relation to disappearances, 35 cases were reported in 2014, of which 24 correspond to men and 11 to women. Although it is not among the communes with the most absolute disappearances, this figure represents 22% of the total cases of disappearance in the city.[81]​.

The Popular commune is also among the most affected by forced intra-urban displacement. In 2014, it was ranked second in the city, with 584 displaced people, only behind commune 13 San Javier, which registered 1,119 people in this condition.[81]​.

Regarding sex-based violence, in 2014 there were no murders of women in the commune. However, 61 cases of alleged sexual crimes were reported, placing Popular in fifth place among the communes with the most cases. The highest figures were presented in commune 6 Doce de Octubre "Doce de Octubre (Medellín)") (80 cases), commune 3 Manrique "Manrique (Medellín)") (76), commune 8 Villa Hermosa "Villa Hermosa (Medellín)") (65) and commune 4 Aranjuez "Aranjuez (Medellín)") (64).[82]​.

Regarding domestic violence against women, 160 cases were reported in the commune, which is a high number. Although commune 8 Villa Hermosa led this category with 387 cases, the situation in Popular reflects the need to implement strategies focused on preventing and addressing violence against women.[83]​.

In summary, the security panorama in commune 1 reveals a low number of homicides and suicides, but also reveals serious problems, such as disappearances, forced displacement and gender violence. These factors make it urgent to design comprehensive public policies that improve coexistence and guarantee the rights of the inhabitants of the commune.[83]​.

Cultural facilities

In commune 1, the cultural facility includes various significant spaces, such as the Santo Domingo hill "Cerro Santo Domingo (Medellín)"), the Casa de Piedra&action=edit&redlink=1 "Casa de Piedra (Medellín) (not yet written)"), which is an archaeological site, the Las Brisas de Oriente hill, the La Cruz hill and several parks, including La Cruz park"), the La Herrera ravine linear park, the Biblioteca España park, the Villa de Guadalupe, the Ajedrez park and the El Compromiso park.[84]​ There is also the La Esperanza Articulated Life Unit, which fulfills educational and cultural functions.[7]​.

Also noteworthy is the Cultural Network of the Commune 1"), an organization that brings together numerous artists from the territory with the aim of influencing public policies in cultural and artistic matters. This network also promotes the training of its members and emerged as a result of the Local Planning and Participatory Budget program. In 2006, it received additional funding to implement training and research processes around cultural activity in the commune.[85]​.

In recent years, there has been an increase in investment in culture in commune 1, with improvements in infrastructure, equipment and strengthening of institutional and artistic processes. However, the number of organizations and artists remains small, cultural programs remain sectorized, and difficulties persist in the association and organization of events that promote the performing arts inside and outside the territory. Music is the most developed manifestation, despite the absence of a headquarters of the Network of Music Schools of Medellín) in the commune. Dance also stands out, while expressions such as theater, storytelling and visual arts have limited participation.[86]​.

Media

The media have had a prominent participation in the recent history of the commune. Since the 1950s, residents began to establish communication networks through loudspeakers, which served to convene the community to house construction events, recreational activities and neighborhood improvements. Characters like "Balaca" used this medium to promote neighborhood integration.[83]​.

Over time, the emergence of community cable television, known as “satellite dishes,” gave rise to local channels that broadcast content relevant to residents. At the same time, radio stations emerged in commune 1 and in northeastern zone 1"). However, several of these media disappeared as a result of changes in legislation and regulatory control.[83]​.

A milestone in the articulation of community media was the creation in 2008 of the El Megafono Corporation, aimed at strengthening capacities in writing, multimedia production and community television. In addition to offering commercial communication services, this organization promotes social mobilization processes through content generated from the community.[87]​.

Currently, the commune has an institutional graphic identity that includes a user manual, logo, colors, physical and virtual newsletters, institutional video, song, slogan and jingle. In addition, it has the community newspaper La Uno, a website, a film club, a network of school and community media, and is managing the creation of an audiovisual production center and a community radio station.[87]​.

Despite these advances, community evaluations identify several challenges, including the lack of equipment in social headquarters, the weakness of social organizations and the absence of programs that strengthen community communication. These factors limit the dissemination of the cultural and social activities of commune 1, which is why there is a need to design strategies that improve the communication channels and visibility of the territory.[87]​.

The commune 1 Popular has 47 spaces for sports, recreation and physical activity, which is equivalent to one stage for every 2,761 inhabitants. The neighborhoods with the greatest number of facilities are Nuevo Horizonte, Villa Guadalupe, El Compromiso and Granizal, where the Granizal Sports Unit is located), a significant reference for local athletes.[88][89]​.

According to the Mayor's Office of Medellín, the Institute of Sports and Recreation of Medellín") and the University of Antioquia (2012),[88]​ in the commune, the practice of sport, recreation and physical activity is organized in three dimensions. The first is made up of the programs, projects and actions developed by the INDER; the second, by the activities prioritized through Local Planning and the Participatory Budget; and the third, although to a lesser extent, by the voluntary work of leaders and social and community organizations.[88]​[90]​.

Regarding the activities promoted by INDER, the commune has five Popular Sports Schools, located in the neighborhoods of Santo Domingo, El Compromiso, Popular, Granizal and Villa Guadalupe. According to information from 2015,[91]​ these schools are structured into three components: sports initiation, sports training and specialization by discipline.[92]​.

Regarding educational, community, associated and adrenaline sports, the existence of an adrenaline sports school, six sports and coexistence actions, five "inschool" festivals and two "incollegiate" games stands out.[92]​.

Regarding recreation, INDER implements three key programs in the commune: Playgrounds for Medellín, Recreating our neighborhoods and townships and Recreational centers. These initiatives are carried out in 5 play centers, 22 recreational parks and a recreational center, respectively.[93]​.

Within the framework of Local Planning and the Participatory Budget, the Sports and Recreation Table of Commune 1 was created, which leads programs and events such as sports fairs, community tournaments, delivery of material, Olympics and festivals for people with disabilities, outdoor activities and adaptation of spaces.[88][94]​.

Despite the variety of existing infrastructure and programs, the supply does not completely cover the population's demand. This highlights the need to continue strengthening current projects and create new sports and recreational initiatives in the commune.[95]​.

Additionally, some sports facilities have inadequate conditions, because the land where they are located does not belong to the Municipality. This limitation affects at least five scenarios: the El Trébol micro-soccer field, the Santo Domingo No. 2 multi-sports board, the La Mixta multi-sports board, the La Avanzada multi-sports board and the Popular Metro Station multi-sports board.[95]​.

Academic publications

• - Territorial organization of Medellín").

• - Communes of Medellín.

• - Medellin.

• - Metropolitan Area of ​​the Aburrá Valley.

• - Citizen participation in Colombia").

• - Santo Domingo Library Park.

• - Wikimedia Commons hosts a multimedia gallery about Medellín.

• - Official website of the Municipality of Medellín.

• - Community website.

• - La Uno. Commune 1 Popular community newspaper.

• - El Megafono Corporation. Communications Center of the 1 Popular commune (YouTube Channel).

The total area of ​​commune 1 Popular is 3.0991 km² (309.9 ha).[1]​ According to the Emergency Plan of Commune 1,[8]​ the Popular sector includes land with slopes where most of its population lives. The neighborhoods Santo Domingo Savio No. 1 and No. 2, La Avanzada, Carpinelo and La Esperanza No. 2 are located in areas with slopes that exceed 40%.[8] In addition, El Popular, Granizal and some areas of Villa Guadalupe are located on slopes that range between 25% and 40%. There are sectors within the commune where the slopes reach more than 60%, placing them above the urban limits, which makes them unsuitable for the construction of any housing unit.[5][8]​.

This territory is home to the streams: La Seca or Cañada Negra, La Herrera or Granizal, Carevieja") or Villa Guadalupe, and El Zancudo, as well as El Aguacatillo and Chorro Oscuro 2. These water courses flow through very deep canyons, whose banks have been almost completely occupied by informal constructions. The reason for this occupation lies in the scarcity of land suitable for urban development and the low cost offered by these areas, which have witnessed disasters. due to flooding during rainy seasons.[5]​.

Commune 1 Popular is located in areas with significant inclinations, which generates a high rate of mass movements. Likewise, the problems derived from the occupation and the alteration of the channels of the streams increase the frequency of these movements on their slopes.[5]​.

Administratively speaking, the commune 1 Popular limits to the north with the Santa Rita neighborhood, belonging to the municipality of Bello "Bello (Antioquia)"); to the east, with the township of Santa Elena "Santa Elena (Medellín)"); to the south, with the María Cano Carambolas, San José La Cima and La Salle neighborhoods, of commune 3 Manrique "Manrique (Medellín)"); and to the west, with the neighborhoods Moscow No. 1, Villa del Socorro, La Francia and La Isla, of commune 2 Santa Cruz "Santa Cruz (Medellín)").[1]​.

Contenido

La historia de la comuna 1 Popular refleja un proceso sostenido de construcción territorial desde las bases sociales, en el que las comunidades han tenido un protagonismo comunitario en la conformación del entorno urbano. A través de prácticas como la autoconstrucción, la organización vecinal y la autogestión de servicios, los habitantes han respondido a contextos de exclusión, desplazamiento y conflicto. Las transformaciones experimentadas por el territorio se entrelazan con iniciativas colectivas y formas de resistencia local, que han contribuido a definir la identidad y las dinámicas sociales de la comuna.

Background

Since the middle of the century, Medellín experienced accelerated growth, driven by industrialization and a strong process of internal migration from rural areas of Antioquia. Between 1938 and 1973, the city's population increased from about 168,300 inhabitants to more than 1,150,000, as a result of displacements motivated by political violence, poverty, and agrarian problems associated with the period known as La Violencia (1946-1966).[9] These population flows settled in the city without it having the necessary urban planning capacity to integrate them. appropriately.[9][10]​.

This urban growth contrasted with the informal occupation processes that took place in the northeastern periphery, where new inhabitants arrived on steep and unused land, without planning or public services. There, a self-built settlement was developed, through invasions and collective subdivisions.[11]​[9]​ According to various studies on popular urbanization in Medellín, this model was characterized by an urban colonization of a community and solidarity type, which spread over lands considered unbuildable by official technical parameters.[12]​.

In the case of the 1 Popular commune, the first buildings arose between the 1950s and early 1960s, in neighborhoods such as Moscow 1, Granizal, Villa de Guadalupe and San Pablo. These settlements originated through collective invasions and self-construction on unstable soils, with steep slopes and near ravines, which increased the risks of landslides and flooding.[13]​[14]​ In this context, the homes were built empirically, without reserves for public space or adequate access to urban infrastructure.[13][9]​.

This process reflects the conflict-migration-urban colonization cycle described by Aprile-Gniset and taken up in subsequent research: a territorial dynamic that begins with forced displacements, continues with the formation of popular neighborhoods through self-construction and culminates in the consolidation of communities through neighborhood cooperation networks.[11]​[9]​[12]​.

Urban consolidation and armed conflict

During the 1960s and 1970s, neighborhoods such as Santo Domingo Savio n.º1, Santo Domingo Savio n.º2, Granizal and Popular were consolidated. The expansion continued towards peri-urban areas with the appearance of settlements such as El Compromiso, Aldea Pablo VI, La Esperanza n.º2 and Carpinelo, which were formalized as neighborhoods in 1993. In this context, a large part of the basic infrastructure works was promoted through community self-management, given the limited state intervention.[15]​.

Starting in the 1980s, the territory became a scene of urban conflict due to the presence of militias and illegal armed groups that disputed territorial control. One of these groups was the Popular Militias of the People and for the People (MPPP), founded around 1986 in the Popular neighborhood1.[16]​ The MPPP exercised territorial control through practices such as the so-called "social cleansing", the collection of extortions and the informal administration of justice.[17][18]​.

In the early 1990s, these groups began to lose legitimacy due to abuses against the civilian population. In May 1994, around 650 people linked to the militias signed a demobilization agreement with representatives of the national and municipal governments.[19]​ As part of the process, the Community Security Cooperative (Coosercom) was created, made up of former militia members, although it was later dissolved due to internal conflicts.[20]​.

However, demobilization did not end the conflict. Some ex-militia members formed new armed structures, such as the People's Armed Commands "Comandos Armados del Pueblo (Colombia)") (CAP), which emerged in Commune13 around 1996 with links to remnants of the MPPP.[21]​ At the same time, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) invaded Medellín, intensifying urban violence.[22]​.

These dynamics generated new forms of armed control in the neighborhoods, reconfiguring local violence through networks of microtrafficking, extortion, and invisible borders. Faced with this, the State deployed armed interventions and urban security strategies in the 2000s, with disparate results in terms of pacification and territorial governance.[23]​.

Institutional intervention and social urbanism

At the beginning of the century, the municipal administration promoted a series of urban interventions under the model of social urbanism"), aimed at improving the physical and social integration of peripheral sectors such as the Popular commune. One of the milestones was the inauguration of line K of the Metrocable "Line K (Medellín Metrocable)") in 2004, which connected the northeastern area with the mass transportation system of the Medellín Metro. From this work, projects such as the Northeastern PUI"), the Metropolitan Green Belt&action=edit&redlink=1 "Green Belt (Medellín) (not yet drafted)") and several Articulated Life Units").[24]​.

These initiatives transformed the environment through the construction of public infrastructure, parks, ecological trails and neighborhood facilities. In some cases – such as the Green Belt – they were well received by the community and highlighted for their participatory approach. Others, however, generated controversy. The España Library, inaugurated in 2007 as a symbol of social urbanism, presented serious structural deterioration a few years after its opening, which led to its closure in 2015 and a prolonged repair process that affected its cultural and educational function.[25][26]​.

Researchers and community leaders have variously assessed the scope of these transformations. While some highlight its contribution to connectivity and the symbolic recognition of historically marginalized sectors, others highlight the persistence of structural problems such as unemployment, poverty and insecurity.[27]​[28]​.

Despite multiple institutional interventions, various community sectors have expressed dissatisfaction with the execution and continuity of the projects, as well as with the lack of comprehensive solutions to the conditions of vulnerability in the northeastern area. These criticisms point out that, although infrastructure and connectivity were improved, deep inequalities related to poverty, unemployment, insecurity and informal control of the territory persist.[27]​[28]​.

According to the Administrative Department of Municipal Planning, the commune 1 Popular presents a political-administrative division composed of twelve neighborhoods, in accordance with Decree 346 of 2000.[4]​ The regulations mention as members of this commune the neighborhoods Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Santo Domingo Savio No. 2, Granizal, Popular, Moscow No. 2, Villa Guadalupe, San Pablo, Aldea Pablo VI, La Esperanza No. 2, La Avanzada, Carpinelo and El Compromiso.[4][29]​.

Despite this, the community recognizes the existence of twenty-one neighborhoods, equivalent to sectors according to Municipal Planning. Each one has a Community Action Board, recognized by both the Secretariat of Citizen Participation and the community itself, and which operates within clearly defined areas of action for the development of its activities.[30]​[29]​.

These neighborhoods are: La Esperanza No. 2, La Avanzada, Nuestra Señora del Rocío, Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Santa María La Torre, Santo Domingo No. 2, Nuevo Horizonte, Popular 1, Popular 2 Parte Central, Popular 2, Granizal, San Pablo 1, San Pablo 2, El Compromiso, Carpinelo 1, Carpinelo 2, Santa Cecilia 1, Santa Cecilia 2, Marco Fidel Suárez, Guadalupe Lower Part and Central Guadalupe.[29]​.

† To date, there are no official sources that record the area of ​​each neighborhood of the 1 Popular commune. This information could be obtained from municipal cadastral bases.

Population

According to DANE's demographic projection in 2010, it was anticipated that the population for the year 2014 would be 129,781 people, equivalent to 5.32% of the city's total. This projection revealed that 61,508 would be men (47.39%) and 68,273 women (52.61%), which reflects a slight majority of women.[5]​.

It is relevant to mention that, according to the records of the Identification System of Potential Beneficiaries of Social Programs,[31]​ the population of the commune in March 2014 was 149,161 people, a difference of 19,380 compared to DANE projections for that same year. Given the above, in the following sections the DANE information will be taken as reference for the population analysis.[5]​.

Population growth rate

Commune 1 Popular presents a growing trend in its population. In 2005, the year in which phase 1 of the diagnosis of the Local Development Plan began, the population was 122,067 people. By 2014, this figure rose to 129,781, implying a growth rate of 5.94% over a nine-year period. This increase is also reflected in density, which went from 393.76 inhabitants per hectare in 2005 to 418.65 in 2014.[32]​.

In contrast, the fertility rate decreased from 3.4 in 1993 to 2.71 during the period 2011-2015. From this perspective, the population growth of the commune is explained by both births and immigration. It should be noted that, since its founding, the 1 Popular commune has been a destination for low-income populations. The following graph details the population growth between 2005 and 2014.[32]​.

Mortality rate

The report on the epidemiological profile of commune 1 Popular for the period 2005-2012 (2013) indicates that its general mortality rate has been above the city average. The year with the greatest difference was 2009, with 580.2 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants, compared to an urban average of 451.9. Starting in 2011, the rate began to decrease, going from 525.1 in 2010 to 408.6.[33]​.

Mortality is mainly associated with diseases of the circulatory system, followed by neoplasms (tumors), external causes and communicable diseases. Within the circulatory system, ischemic heart and cerebrovascular diseases stand out. Regarding external causes, a high incidence of homicides is evident, especially in the years 2009 and 2010.[33]​.

By sex, men have higher mortality from external causes and diseases of the circulatory system, while in women diseases of the circulatory system and, to a lesser extent, neoplasms predominate.[33]​.

In relation to childhood, Medellín in Figures No. 4[34]​ reports that in 2012 two deaths were recorded due to malnutrition, one in commune 1 and another in Robledo, raising the rate to 1.37 per 100,000 children under five years of age.[35]​.

In the same year, Medellín's infant mortality rate was 10.87 deaths per thousand live births. Commune 1 had the highest infant mortality rate in the city in that period.[36][35]​.

Regarding cervical cancer, the communes of Manrique and Popular have rates higher than the city average, exceeding 5.03 deaths per 100,000 women.[37][35]​.

Population structure

According to projections by age groups, 52.90% of the population is made up of people between 0 and 29 years old. The group of 30 to 59 years old represents 37.48%, while that of 60 years or older corresponds to 9.62%. These figures reflect a high concentration in key ages for educational processes.[32]​.

The working-age population is approximately 50%, and older adults represent less than 10%. The following table and graphs present the data by age and sex, according to DANE.[32]​.

The ethnic composition is headed by the mestizo group, with 106,865 people (82.75%), followed by the white group with 17,978 (13.92%). Afro-descendants number 2,852 people (2.21%), while the Raizal and indigenous groups have a minority representation.[38]​.

Although the table above presents a general overview of the ethnic composition, the indigenous presence in the commune has been documented in greater detail by the *Indigenous Population Survey of the Municipality of Medellín* (2013). According to this source, three families from the Yanacona ethnic group and one from the Inga ethnic group were identified. The two Yanacona families reside in the Santa Cecilia neighborhood, while the Inga family lives in Santo Domingo.[38]​.

Architecture

Commune 1 Popular is characterized by predominantly housing homes belonging to socioeconomic strata 1 and 2.[31]​ This area has one of the highest densities of homes per hectare in Medellín and is distinguished by the presence of unplanned constructions, many of them located in risk areas. Furthermore, a significant number of homes have been built with inadequate materials and lack complete access to public services, which constitutes one of the main challenges for the housing development of the commune.[8][39]​.

According to SISBEN data from 2014,[31]​ approximately 46% of the homes are fully paid for ownership, 42% are leased, 10% correspond to other modalities, and about 2% are owned homes in the process of payment. When analyzing the data by neighborhood, it is observed that the results are relatively consistent with the communal averages, except in Carpinelo, where more than 50% of the homes are settled property. In contrast, in the San Pablo neighborhood, renting (48%) predominates over ownership (38%). The same report indicates that the majority of households reside in houses or apartments, although approximately 3% of the population reports living in a single room.[40]​.

Most of the homes are built with materials such as block, brick, stone and polished wood, which represent a total of 27,882 homes, equivalent to 80.80% of the total number of families surveyed. However, constructions with non-permanent materials are also identified, such as board, recycled material or guadua, which total 1,821 homes, corresponding to 5.28% of the total.[41]​.

Despite the progress made in housing matters—such as the improvement of housing, acquisition of subsidized solutions, legalization of properties and access to public services—there remains a high number of homes that require intervention. In this context, macroprojects have been developed such as the Medellín Metrocable, the Green Belt&action=edit&redlink=1 "Green Belt (Medellín) (not yet drafted)") and the Articulated Living Units, which not only improve the urban environment, but also allow the relocation of homes located in risk areas, thus contributing to the improvement of habitable conditions.[42]​.

The physical environment of the commune is complemented by public spaces and community facilities that strengthen the quality of life of its inhabitants.

Public space and equipment

The concept of public space includes permanent urban areas intended for collective use, such as squares, small squares, parks and other open access spaces, whose function is to promote social integration and equitable access to the urban environment. In this area of ​​the northeast of Medellín, the existence of effective public space is recognized[43]​ that includes panoramic viewpoints, the linear park of the La Rosa ravine, the Santo Domingo hill, the Santo Domingo Savio Library park, the La Esperanza Articulated Life Unit and various green recreational areas on Carrera 32, as well as on streets 100, 95, 94, 39, and in the vicinity of the Popular station "Estación Popular (Medellín Metrocable)") of the Metrocable, among other points.[44]​[8]​.

According to the Local Development Plan Commune 1. Phase 6: Articulated execution of strategic projects, prepared by the Convivamos Corporation in 2012, two panoramic viewpoints had been built up to that date: one on the road that leads to Guarne, at 102nd Street, and another near the soccer field in the Granizal neighborhood. Both spaces were conceived as community meeting places.[44]​.

This same plan warns about the deficit of public space and high vehicle density in neighborhoods such as El Popular, Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Granizal, Moscow No. 2 and San Pablo.[43]​ Based on this diagnosis, the objective was established to increase effective public space and supervise the processes of informal settlement on public and private lands. The municipality has been carrying out actions aimed at addressing this problem.[45]​.

Regarding urban facilities, according to the inventory of the District Equipment System (valid 2023), prepared by the Administrative Department of Planning of Medellín"), the following main elements are identified:

• - 12 official educational institutions.

• - 3 libraries.

• - 5 health centers.

• - 7 Articulated Life Units"),.

• - more than 40 sports facilities, among which the Granizal Sports Unit stands out, as well as the micro-soccer fields of VillaGuadalupe, Carpinelo and Santo Domingo Savio.

• - 3 stations of the Metrocable system (Popular, Santo Domingo and Arví).

• - the House of Justice,.

• - in addition to several locations of the Buen Comienzo program, aimed at early childhood care.[46]​.

La comuna 1 Popular presenta una red vial sin una planificación adecuada, lo que se traduce en un sistema discontinuo y caótico que dificulta la movilidad. Se identifican calles sin señalización, con interrupciones en su trazado y de dimensiones reducidas, lo que, si bien permite el tránsito en doble sentido, lo complica considerablemente. A ello se suma una topografía accidentada, con elementos geográficos como cauces y quebradas que actúan como barreras naturales entre sectores.[8]​.

Connections

The main road axes of the commune are Carrera 39, Carrera 42B, Carrera 46 and Calle 107B.[43]​ In terms of transportation, the commune has line K "Line K (Metrocable de Medellín)") of the Medellín Metrocable, as well as feeder routes and traditional public transport.[6]​.

The commune benefits from the presence of a mass transportation system, which facilitates access to the territory for both residents and visitors.

Line K of the Metrocable was built in the northeastern area of ​​the city, crossing the communes 1 Popular and 2 Santa Cruz, which arose as a result of informal occupation and illegal subdivision during the 1950s and 1960s. Its spatial configuration responds to processes of "illegal occupation of land by immigrants from the countryside to the city and their processes of legalization and integration into the urban environment."[47]​.

Before the arrival of the Metrocable, the communes 1 Popular and 2 Santa Cruz were highly stigmatized, with an image of marginalized, impoverished, violent and out of control sectors.[48]​ In this context of social exclusion and weak state presence, the territory was controlled by mafia organizations that instrumentalized youth groups to dispute territorial dominance. Their objective was to exercise control over micro-drug trafficking and extort bus drivers and small merchants. One of the most notable effects was the imposition of invisible borders between neighborhoods, which restricted the free movement of people.[49]​.

Line K was consolidated as an axis and model for subsequent interventions, integrated within the framework of the Comprehensive Urban Project. These projects sought to articulate the cable car with the urban fabric to generate new dynamics of local development, through joint actions in transportation, the environment, housing and public space. The PUIs were part of a broader policy of urban improvement called "social urbanism"), which included the construction of library parks, quality schools and a sustained investment in education and technology. However, the social impact and long-term sustainability of these interventions remain the subject of debate.[50]​.

La dinámica económica de la comuna 1 Popular refleja una interacción constante entre las capacidades humanas y las restricciones estructurales que condicionan las oportunidades de sus habitantes. El comercio local, los servicios comunitarios y las pequeñas actividades productivas se configuran como pilares fundamentales que no solo satisfacen necesidades inmediatas, sino que también crean espacios que amplían las libertades reales de la comunidad. Este entramado económico pone de manifiesto la capacidad de adaptación de una población que, mediante sus prácticas cotidianas, transforma de forma continua sus posibilidades de desarrollo y bienestar.

Con base en la información obtenida de los Comités Barriales de Planeación, realizados entre el 6 y el 16 de marzo de 2015, de los Encuentros Nodales del 20 al 22 de marzo del mismo año, y de entrevistas aplicadas por animadores barriales a las Juntas de Acción Comunal y la comunidad en general, se identificaron diversas problemáticas señaladas por los habitantes. Entre ellas destacan la escasez de oportunidades laborales, la falta de formación para el empleo, las dificultades de empleabilidad que enfrentan las madres cabeza de hogar y los retos asociados con la creación y sostenibilidad de empresas y microempresas.[51]​.

Employment

Statistics on daily activities, according to the Identification System of Potential Beneficiaries of Social Programs (2014),[31]​ indicate that, of the 148,636 people surveyed, 45,764 were studying, 41,599 were working, 29,224 were not carrying out any activity, 24,961 were dedicated to household chores and 4,923 were looking for employment. From these data it is concluded that the majority is linked to the educational field, while only 28% of the population worked, without specifying whether it was formal or informal employment. Likewise, only 3.31% of the population was looking for work, despite the fact that nearly a third declared that they were not carrying out any activity.[52]​.

The study by neighborhood shows that the most common activity is studying, which is related to the high proportion of children and young people between 0 and 19 years old. The next most frequent activities are working, not being active, and spending time at home. The highest concentration of people looking for work is found in the Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, Popular and Moscow No. 2 neighborhoods.[53]​.

Regarding the time spent looking for a job, data from SISBEN[31]​ reveal that the most common option was "has not searched", followed by the waiting ranges between 9 and 12 weeks, and between 1 and 4 weeks. This suggests that a significant portion of the working-age population is not actively seeking employment. Among those who do, the average search time is similar: 466 people did so for 13 to 18 weeks and 885 for 9 to 12 weeks.[54]​.

Income

According to Sisbén statistics (2014)[31], in the 1 Popular commune more than 100,000 inhabitants reported having no monthly income, which represents approximately 67.26% of the surveyed population. Among those who do earn income, the majority is in the range of $400,001 to $500,000 pesos per month, followed by those who earn between $500,001 and $700,000. Only 1.02% reported income greater than $700,000 pesos. Below is the estimated income distribution:

In this context, the need to promote economic initiatives that generate legal and sustainable options for obtaining income is evident, which would contribute to the general well-being of the population.[56]​.

Additionally, the Quality of Life Survey of the Administrative Department of Planning (2013)[57]​ indicated that in commune 1, most of the income was allocated to the purchase of food, followed by the payment of public services, communications, transportation and, to a lesser extent, clothing and footwear. A significant difference in income between men and women was also evident, with greater employability for the former. Many women, on the contrary, dedicated themselves exclusively to household chores or did not carry out any paid activity.[56]​.

Formal and informal trade

According to the census of housing and commercial activities prepared by the University of Antioquia in Medellín, commune 1 had 1,732 commercial establishments. Economic activities are grouped into the categories of commerce, services, equipment, industry and agriculture.[58]​.

Commerce represents the main economic activity, with 1,062 establishments; They are followed by services with 526, equipment with 82, industry with 61, and finally agriculture, with a single establishment. These data show an economy based mainly on commerce and services.[59]​.

Within the commercial sector, three main subcategories stand out. The most representative is "retail trade in non-specialized establishments with an assortment consisting mainly of food, beverages or tobacco", with 600 establishments. This is followed by "retail trade in non-specialized establishments, with an assortment consisting mainly of products other than food, beverages and tobacco", with 75 stores, and "retail trade of beverages and tobacco products in specialized establishments", with 44 establishments.[59]​.

Regarding informal work, organizational processes have been promoted such as that of the Corporación de Venteros Unidos (CORVEUN), located in the Villa Guadalupe park. This organization advises informal sellers on marketing and contract issues.[59]​.

Social and community organizations

The 1 Popular commune has a wide variety of organizations that are grouped according to political, cultural, sports, sex, age and economic development interests, among others. By 2014, approximately 150 organizations were registered.[60]​.

Among the most prominent actors are the Community Action Boards, present in each neighborhood of the commune. These boards play a central role in the articulation of community initiatives and represent an organizational structure widely recognized by the inhabitants. They are joined by the Local Administrative Board "Local Administrative Board (Colombia)"), as well as groups that develop artistic, sports and support activities for the elderly population.

The articulation of these entities has been key to the progress of the commune, so strengthening existing organizations and promoting the creation of new community structures constitutes one of the strategies contemplated in the Local Development Plan.[61]​.

Catering

The data provided by SISBEN in 2014[31]​ indicate that in commune 1 there are 34,465 homes that receive electricity service, while 42 do not have access to this service. The neighborhoods with the most homes without energy are Popular, with 11; Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, with 10; and La Avanzada, with 8.[62]​.

Regarding sewage service, 32,810 homes have it, while 1,697 do not have this infrastructure.[31]​ The neighborhoods with the highest number of homes without sewage are Carpinelo, with 293; Moscow No. 2, with 273; La Avanzada, with 246; and Popular, with 230.[62]​.

Domestic natural gas is the service with the least coverage. Only 8,341 homes have it, while 26,166 do not.[31]​ The neighborhoods with the most homes with this service are Popular, with 2,632; Villa Guadalupe, with 1,798; and San Pablo, with 1,561.[63]​.

Commune 1 houses 26,343 homes with landline telephone service, and 8,164 that do not have it. The neighborhoods with the most homes without this service are Popular, with 1,533; Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, with 1,522; and Carpinelo, with 827.[64]​.

Regarding the aqueduct, 34,066 homes are connected to the network, while 441 are not. The greatest shortcomings are in Carpinelo, with 136 homes; Popular, with 69; Santo Domingo Savio No. 1, with 60; and La Avanzada, with 52.[64]​.

In general, the coverage of public services such as electricity, sewage, water supply and landline telephones exceeds 90% in commune 1. However, domestic natural gas barely reaches coverage close to 25%. Although the general outlook is favorable, there are still homes without access to essential services, which, depending on their location, can lead to unhealthy conditions, especially in cases of absence of sewage or aqueduct.[65]​.

Education

The information provided by the Ministry of Education of Medellín, corresponding to 2014, indicates that official educational institutions predominate in the commune, numbering 25, compared to 12 private ones, of which 10 operate through direct contracting. These figures suggest that educational quality and coverage are closely related to the policies and management of public entities.[66]​.

Educational coverage in the commune is calculated from the comparison between the enrollments registered by the Ministry of Education of Medellín and the school-age population. As of December 2014, 31,581 students were reported enrolled. For its part, the school-age population—from 5 to 16 years old—was estimated at 27,714 people, according to DANE projections for that same year. This relationship gives an educational coverage of 113.95%.[67]​.

It should be noted that the enrollment figures mentioned correspond to students registered in educational establishments, but not necessarily to the final enrollment for the year. Furthermore, the enrollment data is associated with the location of the educational establishment, which does not always coincide with the student's place of residence. Therefore, it is possible that students enrolled in commune 1 reside in other communes, or that those who live in the commune are enrolled in institutions outside it.[68]​.

Regarding comprehensive early childhood care, the Ministry of Education reported that, as of November 2014, there were 914 pregnant and lactating mothers enrolled, along with 6,510 boys and girls, which totals 7,424 people served.[68]​.

Regarding higher education, the attendance rate among young people between 17 and 21 years old—according to the Medellín Quality of Life Survey (2012)—shows wide differences between communes. The highest rates are recorded in communes with greater development, such as El Poblado, La América "La América (Medellín)") and Laureles-Estadio "Laureles-Estadio (Medellín)"). In contrast, the communes of Santa Cruz, Popular and the township of San Cristóbal present rates of less than 40% for that year.[69]​.

Hygiene

According to the 2014 SISBEN survey,[31]​ in Commune 1 Popular, 32,764 homes had a toilet connected to the sewage network. However, 1,431 homes had a toilet without connection to the sewer or septic tank. In addition, 188 homes were identified with a toilet connected to a septic tank, 75 with a latrine or low tide, and 49 homes that did not have any type of sanitary service.[70]​.

At the neighborhood level, the situation is similar. The sectors with the highest number of homes without adequate connection to the sanitary system are Carpinelo, Moscow No. 2, La Avanzada and Popular, where homes with toilets without connection to sewage networks or septic systems predominate.[70]​.

Health

The network of health facilities in Commune 1 Popular is made up of five health centers and two hospital units. Although the latter are located outside the limits of the commune, they are at the service of their population.[71]​.

According to the 2014 SISBEN survey,[31]​ 43.60% of the inhabitants of the commune were affiliated with an EPS of the subsidized regime. In second place is the population without health coverage, which represented 30.59%. For their part, 22.24% were affiliated with the contributory regime, 3.21% with the New EPS, and 0.36% belonged to special regimes.[72]​.

These data reveal that 69.41% of the population – that is, 103,168 people – was affiliated with the social health security system, while 30.59%, equivalent to 45,468 people, lacked coverage. This situation raises the need to implement policies that improve access to health services in the commune.[72]​.

The comparison between data from 2009 and 2014 shows progress in coverage. In 2009, 75,315 people (49.19% of the total 153,122 inhabitants) were not affiliated with any scheme. In 2014, this figure was reduced to 45,468 people (30.48% of the total of 149,161).[71]​.

The first population study on mental health in Medellín, carried out in 2012, showed a very high risk of mental disorders in the communes Popular, Manrique, Aranjuez") and Santa Cruz. In contrast, the communes of Laureles-Estadio") and El Poblado") presented the lowest risk levels.[73]​.

In particular, Commune 1 presented high levels of prevalence in disorders such as generalized anxiety, agoraphobia, specific and social phobias, separation anxiety, major depression, dysthymia, bipolar disorder, attention deficit and suicidal ideation.[73]​.

Regarding substance use in 2014, 33.2% of alcohol consumption was recorded, followed by 3.3% of marijuana, 1.3% of cocaine and derivatives, 1.3% of non-prescription drugs and 1.1% of heroin and other substances. The prevalence of substance use disorders was higher among men.[73]​.

According to the 2014 SISBEN survey, 2,747 people with some disability were registered in Commune 1 Popular, which is equivalent to 1.85% of the 148,636 individuals surveyed. Of this population, 74.34% were in the lowest SISBEN scores (between 0.01 and 36.32); 8.26% were between 36.33 and 39.32; 9.43% between 39.33 and 46.50; and the remaining percentage was distributed in values ​​less than 1.13%.[35]​.

Regarding the type of disability, the SISBEN 2013 report recorded a total of 2,761 people with some limiting condition. Of them, 34.70% had difficulties understanding or learning, 20.97% had difficulties moving or walking on their own, and 20.17% had difficulties going outside without help. Likewise, 9.31% suffered from total deafness, while the remaining cases, which do not exceed 7.39%, corresponded to difficulties bathing, dressing or feeding themselves without assistance, as well as conditions of muteness or total blindness.[74]​.

Security

In 2014, Commune 1 Popular had 5 security cameras, 7 quadrants, 26 motorcycles, 18 cars, a police station and an Immediate Attention Command. The security strategy was organized by quadrants, in order to prevent and interrupt the crime cycle in the commune.[78]​[79]​.

According to the Comprehensive Security and Coexistence Plan 2012-2015 of the Municipality of Medellín, during the years 2009 and 2010 there was an increase in crime, reaching 179 and 138 homicides, respectively. In the following years, 2011 and 2012, homicides decreased to 26 cases each year. The most frequent crimes in that period were violations of Childhood Law 1098 and domestic violence.[80]​.

According to the Medellín Personería, in 2014 the commune registered 13 homicides, a figure lower than the 26 cases that occurred in 2012. Compared to other communes, Popular had one of the lowest homicide rates. For example, commune 10 La Candelaria "La Candelaria (Medellín)") had 116 homicides, commune 13 San Javier "San Javier (Medellín)") 63, commune 7 Robledo "Robledo (Medellín)") 59 and commune 4 Aranjuez "Aranjuez (Medellín)") 57.[81]​.

Regarding suicides, the commune was located in the average of the city, with five cases registered in 2014. The highest figures were presented in commune 14 El Poblado "El Poblado (Medellín)") (12 cases), commune 10 La Candelaria (11) and commune 16 Belén "Belén (Medellín)") (9 cases).[81]​.

In relation to disappearances, 35 cases were reported in 2014, of which 24 correspond to men and 11 to women. Although it is not among the communes with the most absolute disappearances, this figure represents 22% of the total cases of disappearance in the city.[81]​.

The Popular commune is also among the most affected by forced intra-urban displacement. In 2014, it was ranked second in the city, with 584 displaced people, only behind commune 13 San Javier, which registered 1,119 people in this condition.[81]​.

Regarding sex-based violence, in 2014 there were no murders of women in the commune. However, 61 cases of alleged sexual crimes were reported, placing Popular in fifth place among the communes with the most cases. The highest figures were presented in commune 6 Doce de Octubre "Doce de Octubre (Medellín)") (80 cases), commune 3 Manrique "Manrique (Medellín)") (76), commune 8 Villa Hermosa "Villa Hermosa (Medellín)") (65) and commune 4 Aranjuez "Aranjuez (Medellín)") (64).[82]​.

Regarding domestic violence against women, 160 cases were reported in the commune, which is a high number. Although commune 8 Villa Hermosa led this category with 387 cases, the situation in Popular reflects the need to implement strategies focused on preventing and addressing violence against women.[83]​.

In summary, the security panorama in commune 1 reveals a low number of homicides and suicides, but also reveals serious problems, such as disappearances, forced displacement and gender violence. These factors make it urgent to design comprehensive public policies that improve coexistence and guarantee the rights of the inhabitants of the commune.[83]​.

Cultural facilities

In commune 1, the cultural facility includes various significant spaces, such as the Santo Domingo hill "Cerro Santo Domingo (Medellín)"), the Casa de Piedra&action=edit&redlink=1 "Casa de Piedra (Medellín) (not yet written)"), which is an archaeological site, the Las Brisas de Oriente hill, the La Cruz hill and several parks, including La Cruz park"), the La Herrera ravine linear park, the Biblioteca España park, the Villa de Guadalupe, the Ajedrez park and the El Compromiso park.[84]​ There is also the La Esperanza Articulated Life Unit, which fulfills educational and cultural functions.[7]​.

Also noteworthy is the Cultural Network of the Commune 1"), an organization that brings together numerous artists from the territory with the aim of influencing public policies in cultural and artistic matters. This network also promotes the training of its members and emerged as a result of the Local Planning and Participatory Budget program. In 2006, it received additional funding to implement training and research processes around cultural activity in the commune.[85]​.

In recent years, there has been an increase in investment in culture in commune 1, with improvements in infrastructure, equipment and strengthening of institutional and artistic processes. However, the number of organizations and artists remains small, cultural programs remain sectorized, and difficulties persist in the association and organization of events that promote the performing arts inside and outside the territory. Music is the most developed manifestation, despite the absence of a headquarters of the Network of Music Schools of Medellín) in the commune. Dance also stands out, while expressions such as theater, storytelling and visual arts have limited participation.[86]​.

Media

The media have had a prominent participation in the recent history of the commune. Since the 1950s, residents began to establish communication networks through loudspeakers, which served to convene the community to house construction events, recreational activities and neighborhood improvements. Characters like "Balaca" used this medium to promote neighborhood integration.[83]​.

Over time, the emergence of community cable television, known as “satellite dishes,” gave rise to local channels that broadcast content relevant to residents. At the same time, radio stations emerged in commune 1 and in northeastern zone 1"). However, several of these media disappeared as a result of changes in legislation and regulatory control.[83]​.

A milestone in the articulation of community media was the creation in 2008 of the El Megafono Corporation, aimed at strengthening capacities in writing, multimedia production and community television. In addition to offering commercial communication services, this organization promotes social mobilization processes through content generated from the community.[87]​.

Currently, the commune has an institutional graphic identity that includes a user manual, logo, colors, physical and virtual newsletters, institutional video, song, slogan and jingle. In addition, it has the community newspaper La Uno, a website, a film club, a network of school and community media, and is managing the creation of an audiovisual production center and a community radio station.[87]​.

Despite these advances, community evaluations identify several challenges, including the lack of equipment in social headquarters, the weakness of social organizations and the absence of programs that strengthen community communication. These factors limit the dissemination of the cultural and social activities of commune 1, which is why there is a need to design strategies that improve the communication channels and visibility of the territory.[87]​.

The commune 1 Popular has 47 spaces for sports, recreation and physical activity, which is equivalent to one stage for every 2,761 inhabitants. The neighborhoods with the greatest number of facilities are Nuevo Horizonte, Villa Guadalupe, El Compromiso and Granizal, where the Granizal Sports Unit is located), a significant reference for local athletes.[88][89]​.

According to the Mayor's Office of Medellín, the Institute of Sports and Recreation of Medellín") and the University of Antioquia (2012),[88]​ in the commune, the practice of sport, recreation and physical activity is organized in three dimensions. The first is made up of the programs, projects and actions developed by the INDER; the second, by the activities prioritized through Local Planning and the Participatory Budget; and the third, although to a lesser extent, by the voluntary work of leaders and social and community organizations.[88]​[90]​.

Regarding the activities promoted by INDER, the commune has five Popular Sports Schools, located in the neighborhoods of Santo Domingo, El Compromiso, Popular, Granizal and Villa Guadalupe. According to information from 2015,[91]​ these schools are structured into three components: sports initiation, sports training and specialization by discipline.[92]​.

Regarding educational, community, associated and adrenaline sports, the existence of an adrenaline sports school, six sports and coexistence actions, five "inschool" festivals and two "incollegiate" games stands out.[92]​.

Regarding recreation, INDER implements three key programs in the commune: Playgrounds for Medellín, Recreating our neighborhoods and townships and Recreational centers. These initiatives are carried out in 5 play centers, 22 recreational parks and a recreational center, respectively.[93]​.

Within the framework of Local Planning and the Participatory Budget, the Sports and Recreation Table of Commune 1 was created, which leads programs and events such as sports fairs, community tournaments, delivery of material, Olympics and festivals for people with disabilities, outdoor activities and adaptation of spaces.[88][94]​.

Despite the variety of existing infrastructure and programs, the supply does not completely cover the population's demand. This highlights the need to continue strengthening current projects and create new sports and recreational initiatives in the commune.[95]​.

Additionally, some sports facilities have inadequate conditions, because the land where they are located does not belong to the Municipality. This limitation affects at least five scenarios: the El Trébol micro-soccer field, the Santo Domingo No. 2 multi-sports board, the La Mixta multi-sports board, the La Avanzada multi-sports board and the Popular Metro Station multi-sports board.[95]​.

Academic publications

• - Territorial organization of Medellín").

• - Communes of Medellín.

• - Medellin.

• - Metropolitan Area of ​​the Aburrá Valley.

• - Citizen participation in Colombia").

• - Santo Domingo Library Park.

• - Wikimedia Commons hosts a multimedia gallery about Medellín.

• - Official website of the Municipality of Medellín.

• - Community website.

• - La Uno. Commune 1 Popular community newspaper.

• - El Megafono Corporation. Communications Center of the 1 Popular commune (YouTube Channel).