Since the century, the idea of the urban plan as a project capable of imagining and promoting the future of the city would appear as a utopia, in sharp contrast to the reality of a fragmentary urban management, trapped in the duality between growth, supported by the guidelines drawn in the plans of Ensanche and the Interior Reform of the existing city.[1]​ In the decades prior to the Civil War, the lack of a true Urban Plan capable of organizing the emerging Madrid metropolis became evident, giving rise to a competition. convened by the city council in 1929 in which the proposal of the architect and urban planner Secundino Zuazo with Hermann Jansen stood out, although it was not awarded.

From his responsibility at the head of the Technical Office of the Madrid Reconstruction Board (1939-1946), Pedro Bidagor expressed the ideology of the Falangist movement, providing it with a technical articulation in the General Plan of Madrid, "making each of the uniform and anarchic sectors of the city become a member defined (by the) function that corresponds to it in the joint mission of the city as an organ of the State." This experience would lay the foundations for the legal format of Spanish planning in the future Land Law (1956).[6]​[3]​.

It is difficult to assess, from the current perspective, the difficulties and uncertainty in which these seminal works had to be developed. Its fruit remains: the commitment to a voluntary geography that opposes improvisation or laziness; the unavoidable need to address the problems of Greater Madrid as a whole (beyond the municipal administrative limits) and the organizational guidelines for the reconstruction of Madrid until sectoral policies first and the metropolitan explosion later put an end to the illusions deposited in the organic city").[7]

Pedro Bidagor remained in the capital throughout the Franco siege, accepting the protection of the CNT, and at the same time outlining, together with other colleagues, the future reconstruction and urbanization of Madrid. Muguruza, who at some point was aware of this work, commissioned him, shortly after the taking of Madrid, to draft the Urban Planning Plan for the capital, completed in 1941 and published in 1942, but the Basic Law necessary for its application was not approved until November 25, 1944. Its development and regulation also came to light with a delay, when it was published by Law of March 1, 1946, the definitive date of the approval of the General Plan of Urbanization of Madrid and surrounding areas that affected the capital and 28 neighboring municipalities, annexed to Madrid between 1948 and 1954. The Plan suffered a delay as a result of political tension and the practical need to bring a considerable number of institutions to agreement. Opposed to the Falangist sector, which dominated the General Directorates of the Ministry of the Interior, which aspired to reflect national-unionist thought in the urban fabric, was the conservative side, which had a special presence in the Madrid City Council. The mayor himself, Alberto Alcocer, had publicly presented another proposal for a Madrid Planning Plan, the work of municipal engineer José Paz Maroto.

The Bidagor Plan of 1941 surpassed the urban system of Ensanche, with its legacy of working-class suburbs and miserable suburbs:

In theory, Bidagor continued the idea of ​​Falangist class overcoming in its utopian city. In practice, the design proposed by his Plan, and which without acknowledging it in public continues the ideas already exposed by the Zuazo-Jansen project of 1929, separates the bourgeois Ensanche from the working-class suburbs through green rings of separation. Rings that also surround the proposals for suburban neighborhoods and satellite cities around Madrid, and that would prevent the oil spill growth of recent decades. The satellite towns, newly built or taking advantage of neighboring populations, were more autonomous nuclei that would absorb the future growth of the city and were classified into three groups depending on their function: service towns for industrial and military zones (around industrial estates): shelter towns for the working population that works in Madrid but without resources to live in the city (worker towns); and housing towns with lower density (residential garden cities). This class distribution of satellite towns is contrary to Falangist formulations, so Muguruza did not hesitate to criticize it, since what had to be achieved was the opposite of social division. The Falangist position sought to provide diversity to the neighborhoods, while the sectors closest to capitalism understood the city as a result of the division of society into economic classes.

He died on August 14, 1996 in his hometown, San Sebastián.[8][9]​.