The Mano Dura and Super Mano Dura Plans promoted by the governments of Francisco Flores and Antonio Saca respectively, were a set of public security measures, which marked the beginning of a cycle of responses from the Salvadoran State towards the gangs.[46]​.

The measures consisted of deploying strong police and military operations aimed at massively capturing all those who were presumed to be gang members. The measures also included the application of controversial transitional anti-gang laws along with reforms to the judicial and prison systems. This meant, for many, a very repressive approach to a social problem.[47]​.

In July 2003, four months after holding the legislative and municipal elections, and seven months before the presidential elections, Francisco Flores announced the launch[48]​ of the plan in response to an alleged crime boom due to gangs. According to official figures, in 2000 and 2001 the country maintained a rate of 39 and 37 violent deaths per 100 thousand inhabitants respectively, by 2002 the figure dropped to 32 and by 2003 with the Mano Dura plan it climbed again to reach 36.[8]​.

According to the University Institute of Public Opinion (Iudop),[49]​ the measure, despite the figures, increased Flores' popularity. Its evaluation went from 5 points, on a scale of 0 to 10, to 6.26 in December 2003, in just five months of the plan being in effect.

In fact, the report reports that with the new Saca government, in August 2004, security measures were institutionalized, under the name of Plan Súper Mano Dura, with greater emphasis on the criminal prosecution of gang members. The plan delegated for the first time to the armed forces their participation in police work, whether in operations, searches and arrests.

According to the study, between 2003 and 2006 the homicide rate went from 36 murders to 64 per 100,000 inhabitants. That is to say, the number of violent deaths doubled while the Mano Dura and Super Mano Duro were in force.[50]​[51]​.

This plan was criticized by analysts, since the legal basis on which it was based to carry out the arrests was due to stigmatization, that is, the way of acting, the way of dressing, the place where they lived, among others; They also point out that with this the young population was going to be the most affected, especially those who lived in conditions of poverty. According to official data, the number of gang members in El Salvador at that time was 20 thousand. In the bill that they would have sent to the Assembly for approval and implementation of said security plan and thus reinforce the judicial system and the penitentiary system, a public expense of around $8,500 per gang member was estimated annually, these expenses would involve capturing, trying and imprisoning each gang member.[47]​.

A thesis carried out by high school graduates of the Bachelor of Legal Sciences in 2007 analyzed the effectiveness of these security policies. Although they pointed out that the perception of citizens was mostly positive, they also highlighted that the implementation of these policies did not produce the expected results. According to their research, violence levels actually increased during the implementation of these measures. Furthermore, they concluded that actions should not be limited to repression and punishment, but that it is crucial to focus on reintegration,[52]​ especially through education in communities with high levels of poverty from childhood. They also emphasized respect for the integrity and human rights of the detainees. Instead of solving problems immediately, they indicated that it is essential to address the underlying causes with highly trained personnel, which involves a strategic and detailed approach in collaboration with various sectors to fully understand the roots and consequences of the problem.[53]​.

Cuando Nayib Bukele fue elegido presidente en 2019, declaró que la reducción de la violencia era una prioridad. En ese año se lanzó el Plan Control Territorial el cual tiene como propósito cumplir con los siguientes objetivos:[54]​[55]​.

• - Salir de la lista de países más violentos del mundo en el 2021.

• - Contar con los elementos para que la Guerra Contra Pandillas sea posible.

• - Garantizar que la paz sea posible a largo plazo.

En 2021, la tasa de homicidios alcanzó su nivel más bajo desde que terminó la guerra civil en 1992, con 18 homicidios por cada 100 mil habitantes, saliendo ese año, además, de la lista de los países más violentos del mundo. El Salvador había comenzado un muy leve declive desde 2016, una disminución significativa sucedió en el 2020, teniendo otra reducción en el 2021 y marcando al 2022 como el año más seguro en su historia.[56]​[57]​[58]​.

Las fases que se han ido lanzando desde junio de 2019 son las siguientes:.

PHASE I: Territorial control. (Jun/2019)

It consists of the deployment of security forces and the armed force. It seeks to expand the presence of police by carrying out a territorial control and recovery plan.[59]​.

PHASE II: Opportunity. (Jul/2019)

I would seek to ensure that the different State portfolios that can contribute to the prevention and effective fight against crime must function and go towards each community, to influence the young population and the most vulnerable. It would be coordinated under the Social Fabric Reconstruction Unit, which will belong to the Ministry of the Interior.[60]​[61]​.

PHASE III: Modernization. (Jan/2020)

It is focused on providing better equipment to the National Civil Police (PNC) and the Armed Forces of El Salvador (FAES) to efficiently combat criminal gangs. This includes: better weapons, bulletproof vests, uniforms, tactical helmets, radios, better vehicles, helicopters, drones, night vision cameras on street corners and better police posts, among others.[62][63]​.

On February 9, 2020, an unprecedented event occurred in the history of the country.[64][65]​.

PHASE IV: Raid. (Jul/2021)

It implies that the Army, in support of the PNC, would invade all territories dominated by gangs. This phase includes the order to incorporate more elements into the Armed Forces, to have 40,000 in total.[66]​.

PHASE V: Extraction. (Nov/2022)

It consists of the extraction of criminals who still remain in the communities and anywhere in the country. Here the famous fences guarded by the military begin to be implemented, which contemplate registering citizens who entered and left.[67]​[68]​[69]​.

PHASE VI: Integration. (Aug/2023)

It would focus on medium and long-term needs, with the implementation of policies to reduce poverty, social development, and vocational, technical and professional training. It would be realized with the creation of the National Directorate of National Integration, an entity that according to a government project would dissolve the current Salvadoran Institute of Professional Training (Insaforp) and in the same way the dissolution of the National Youth Institute (Injuve) is contemplated.[70]​[71]​.

Mauricio Funes (2009-2014)

Investigations carried out into the presidential administration of Mauricio Funes that began in 2017 by the Attorney General's Office of the Republic "Fiscalía General de la República (El Salvador)"), which pointed to an alleged case of money laundering in the first place, resulted in a judge sentencing him to 14 years in prison in May 2023 for being involved in carrying out the "truce" with the gangs. Currently, since 2019,[72][73]​ Funes is a fugitive and since 2016 living in Nicaragua[74]​ with political asylum, he considers himself a victim of political persecution.[75][76]​.

In 2012, the gangs agreed to what was known as a non-aggression pact or "peace process" among their members, which was promoted by Funes himself, but according to investigations, Funes actually promoted a pact between his government and the gangs, in order to give special benefits to these groups, such as: better prison conditions, the State ending the harassment and persecution of their families and other members, and also seeking their reintegration. to society; all in exchange for reducing the number of homicides in the country. In 2014 the truce broke up and the spike in homicides skyrocketed again.[75]​.

His former security minister, David Payés, was sentenced to 18 years; he acknowledged being the facilitator of said truce. He was accused of Illicit Groups and Failure to Comply with Duties and Arbitrary Acts. At the time, Funes tried to distance himself and alluded that it was a process between gangs and not in alliance with the government.[75]​.

In a statement released and signed by the three main gangs in El Salvador (Mara Salvatrucha and the Sureños and Revolucionarios factions of Barrio 18) at the end of May 2018, they publicly admit that the truce began in the government of Mauricio Funes.[77]​.

Salvador Sánchez Cerén (2014-2019)

A recording was leaked where members of Cerén's future cabinet could allegedly be heard speaking with alleged spokespersons for the country's main gangs. This in order to negotiate votes, negotiate benefits and reduce homicides. There are still no indications where the former president is directly linked to having participated in those or some other negotiations, but it is presumed, through statements from former leaders, that such provision was available, and some requests were made.[78]​[79][80]​.

Sánchez Cerén is currently a fugitive and living in Nicaragua; justice is looking for him for possible money laundering and illicit enrichment.[81]​.

Norman Quijano (2014)

The former presidential candidate for the 2014 elections was accused at the end of January 2020 by the Attorney General's Office "Fiscalía General de la República (El Salvador)") (FGR) and requesting that the Assembly withdraw the constitutional jurisdiction of deputy Norman Quijano so that he faces criminal proceedings, after being accused during a trial of arranging votes with gangs in exchange for money and other benefits. It was in 2019 during a trial in which more than 300 members of the Mara Salvatrucha were convicted, when a witness indicated that Quijano negotiated money in exchange for votes to favor his political party. It was a video delivered by the witness who gave the green light to request a pretrial and submit the former presidential candidate and former deputy to the Public Ministry. The request for immunity was not successful at the time.[82]​[83]​[84]​[85]​[86]​.

The process would also be affecting the former mayor and governor of San Salvador Ernesto Muyshondt; which is facing multiple judicial processes.[87]​.

In the legislative and municipal elections of 2021, Norman Quijano achieved victory to be part of PARLACEN, in June of that year the Seventh Court of Peace ordered preventive detention against Quijano before taking office as a deputy of said institution, this, due to charges of illicit groups and electoral fraud.[88] At the end of 2021, the Assembly of El Salvador declared firmly with 66 votes in favor of withdrawing the jurisdiction of Quijano, something that was criticized by some actors since being a member of PARLACEN, it is up to that institution to withdraw the jurisdiction at the request of the State.[89]​.

In January 2022 an arrest warrant was issued[90]​ and at the end of 2022 the First Criminal Chamber set up the preliminary hearing against Norman Quijano, for the crimes of illicit groups and electoral fraud.[91]​[92]​ In August 2023 the FGR requests before the court that the evidence against the accused Quijano be admitted.[93]​.

Nayib Bukele (2019-2024)

The United States government accused some El Salvador government officials of having a secret agreement with the gangs;[94]​ Although the country's president was not directly accused, reports from some media in El Salvador indicated that Bukele was involved, initially when he was mayor of San Salvador,[95]​ and then, when he took the presidency, of negotiating a reduction in violence in exchange for economic and penitentiary benefits. He even tried to hide or eliminate any evidence through his Director of the Social Fabric Reconstruction Unit Carlos Marroquín[96]​ and his Director of Penal Centers and Vice Minister of Security ad honorem Osiris Luna, these being at the same time his intermediaries.[97][98]​.

In December 2021, the United States Treasury Department sanctioned two Salvadoran officials who it claimed led talks between the government and the country's major gangs. Bukele described the accusations as false, alleging that his government has not made any type of deal, and denouncing previous governments for having made deals with gangs, in which they were given money, benefits and even shooting ranges.[99][100]​.

It is known, through journalistic investigations, that the homicides that occurred at the end of March 2022, which left more than 80 people murdered, were due to the breaking of the pact between the government and the gangs. This was pointed out by alleged spokespersons for the MS-13, who revealed to El Faro that the murders were a response to what they considered a “betrayal” by the Government of President Nayib Bukele of the pact they had maintained for at least two years and medium.[101]​[102]​ The government blamed the violence on the Mara Salvatrucha.[103]​.

William Soriano, a congressman for the New Ideas party, suggested that the increase in violence was retaliation for the government's takeover of two bus routes in the capital, where gangs often extort income; According to José Miguel Cruz, director of research at Florida International University, the gangs may have been sending a message to the government to try to obtain better conditions.[104]​[105]​[106]​ This case was the trigger for proclaiming war against the gangs and implementing the emergency regime.[39]​[40]​[41]​.

During an extraordinary session in the early hours of March 27, the Legislative Assembly of El Salvador approved a "state of exception."[107]​[108]​ According to the Constitution of El Salvador, its articles 29 and 30 establish that said regime of exception may be established under the following reading:[109]​[110]​.

The order, which lasts thirty days, but has been extended consecutively,[111][112] establishes the suspension of constitutional rights, among which is increasing the time of detention without charges from three to fifteen days and allowing the government to monitor citizens' communications without a court order. Salvadoran security forces have been accused of violating even the expanded limits of their powers.[113]​.

In addition, pro-government deputies approved new laws that increase prison sentences for gang members and any other organized crime gang, palabreros (gang leaders) will receive 40 to 45 years in prison, gang members will receive 20 to 30 years in prison.[114] Cases have been reported in which gang members who have finished serving their sentence have been recaptured for the crime of grouping. illegal activities, since by continuing to be active members of gangs, they are considered a risk to the population.[115]​.

The government deployed additional police and military forces, raided homes and created checkpoints around neighborhoods with known gang presence.[116] The soldiers, through military fences, searched everyone for identification cards and proof of address, searched their vehicles and backpacks, military checkpoints were set up in the neighborhoods with the highest incidence of crime, in which they search every person entering and leaving the communities, anyone considered suspicious is searched by the soldiers for tattoos or signs related to gangs.[117]​[118]​.

In late March 2022, Salvadoran security forces announced that they had arrested 576 suspected gang members; Since the declaration of the state of emergency, more than 68 thousand people possibly linked to gangs have been arrested, which has overloaded El Salvador's prisons.[119]​[120]​ Rations have been reduced to two meals per day, consisting only of beans and tortillas, and Bukele explained that "he would not take budget away from schools to feed these terrorists."[121]​[122]​ He also ordered that all gang members remain. in their cells 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.

Many people have been unable to learn where or why their relatives were detained,[123][124]​ with several hundred women gathered outside a naval base being used as a detention center.

On November 3, 2022, Osiris Luna Meza, Director of Penal Centers, announced that the government would begin destroying Tombstones belonging to gang members, to prevent them from becoming "shrines", stating that "terrorists will no longer be able to 'glorify' the memory of dead criminals." Despite the destruction of the tombstones, the government declared that the bodies would remain intact and would not be disturbed. Bukele compared the removal of gang members' tombstones to denazification in Allied-occupied Germany and also compared the gangs to the Nazis themselves.[125][126]​.

On December 3, 2022, 10,000 soldiers were sent to surround the city of Soyapango and arrest the gang members. The government erased their graffiti from the city during the siege.[127]​.

On the other hand, Bukele has on numerous occasions blamed the Mara Salvatrucha and the Mara 18 for generating the wave of violence in an attempt to destabilize his government, and that they are being financed by the Salvadoran opposition, mainly pointing to the parties Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) and Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) and even pointing out national and international non-governmental human rights organizations for trying to undermine his policies. security[128]​[129]​ to regain the control that these parties had in Salvadoran politics and in prisons, alleging that the gangs would now be looking for a way to evolve into guerrillas in the rural area of ​​the country, replicating guerrilla tactics that they claim were taught in shooting ranges during the FMLN government,[130]​ adding that so far during the state of emergency, camps belonging to gang members.[131]​ He accused ARENA and the FMLN of having supposedly agreed in their governments on an agreement with the gangs in which they would become a guerrilla to provoke a new armed conflict, which would end in a new peace agreement that would insert the gang leaders into Salvadoran politics; He also accused the OAS of agreeing with this alleged pact.[132]​[133]​.

A nivel nacional, la política de seguridad ha cobrado popularidad y ha sido aplaudida entre muchos habitantes.[134]​ Sin embargo, en varios países del mundo y especialmente en América, han salido políticos y gobiernos expresando ya sea su rechazo y preocupación o aceptación y elogios a la política de seguridad.[135]​[136]​[137]​[138]​[139]​.

Colombia

On March 1, Gustavo Petro, president of Colombia, criticized the policy against gangs and described the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT) as a "concentration camp" during a speech at a Colombia University. From there, Bukele and Petro began to present their arguments on Twitter about security in their respective countries.[140][141][142]​.

Other actors such as those from the Democratic Center party "Democratic Center (Colombia)") have praised and defended the measures of the Salvadoran president. Among the party, Senator María Fernanda Cabal stands out, who has repeatedly identified herself and has come out to publicly defend the president and his policies to eradicate gangs.[143]​[144]​[145]​.

Costa Rica

The president of Costa Rica, Rodrigo Chaves, mentioned that he does not have the possibility of implementing a measure that does not adjust to the reality of his country:[146]​.

After a surprise visit by the president in December 2022, rumors spread that he would visit family and supporters who would be on the verge of forming a new Costa Rican party called the National Democratic Alliance (ADN), which, it was assumed, would have the same ideologies as Bukele's.[147]​[148]​.

Former presidents such as Luis Guillermo Solís and Laura Chinchilla expressed their concern about the repression of the Human Rights of the Salvadoran population and that such a measure would represent a very short-term solution.[149]​[150]​.

Chili

The Chilean writer and intellectual, Isabel Allende, compared President Nayib Bukele with the presidency of the military man and dictator Augusto Pinochet. "In Chile now people are longing for a Bukele. I say: be careful. That was Pinochet. There was security in those times. But the insecurity and terror came from the State, not from the criminal who walks the street," Allende assured the Spanish newspaper El País in an interview.[151]​.

President Gabriel Boric, in an interview, mentions the issue of the emergency regime in El Salvador and emphasizes that the human rights of the population must be fully respected and also suggests that the country could be heading towards an authoritarian drift.[152][153]​.

Ecuador

Guillermo Lasso, president of Ecuador, has tried to approach Bukele's security policies with caution. Although his Government has implemented its own state of emergency for a few months, Lasso places special emphasis on ensuring the human rights of prisoners. «We are taking actions within the constitutional framework of Ecuador. Within very clear rules of respect for human rights. Because even though they are people deprived of their liberty who have committed crimes, even major ones, they have not lost the right to dignity," the president said in an interview.[154]​[155]​[156]​[157]​[158]​.

Jan Topić, former presidential candidate in 2023, is known for being an admirer of Bukele and his security policies as he promised to implement a tough line against crime in his country.[159]​.

USA

A spokesperson for the United States Department of State condemned the increase in violence in El Salvador, and United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken condemned the violence and called on the government to "respect due process and protect civil liberties", to which President Bukele responded by saying that "El Salvador received help from the United States, but under President Trump".[160]​[161]​.

On January 30, the prominent representative of Minnesota, Ilhan Omar, led by members of the United States Congress, including Joaquín Castro, Barbara Lee, Mark Pocan, Jamie Raskin, all of the Democratic Party "Democratic Party (United States)") sent a letter to then Secretary of State Antony Blinken urging the Biden Administration to address current threats to ''democracy'' and ''human rights'' in El Salvador before the next elections month.[162]​.

In response to this statement, President Nayib Bukele made a publication on X's platform saying: "We are HONORED to receive your attacks, just days before OUR election," he wrote on X. "I would be very worried if we had your support." Translation: "We are honored to receive your attacks, just a few days before OUR election," he wrote in X. "I would be very concerned if we had your support."[163]​.

Honduras

The president of Honduras, Xiomara Castro, was open to adopting the security policies of the neighboring country and implementing them in her own region. Thus, since December 2022, thousands of police forces and armed forces began to be deployed to the corners with the greatest influx of gangs.[164]​[165]​.

Peru

In Peru, some sectors within the government have expressed interest in applying an exception regime similar to that implemented in El Salvador in response to the increase in citizen insecurity. However, the administration of President Dina Boluarte has stated that it has its own plan to confront crime. For their part, various experts have shown caution regarding the comparison, pointing out that the social, political and structural realities of both countries are significantly different.[166]​.

There is also talk of groups, organizations, collectives and politicians from different parties wanting to adopt Bukele's security measures.[167]​[168]​[169]​ The mayor of Lima, Rafael Aliaga is one of the politicians who has been most willing to promote the measure.[170]​.

Guatemala

In the 2023 Guatemalan general elections, several presidential candidates included in their proposals the implementation of security policies inspired by the measures adopted by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele. Among them, Zury Ríos, daughter of the former head of state and former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt, stood out.[171]​.

European Union

In September 2023, the European Parliament issued an urgent request to the Government of El Salvador to suspend the security policies implemented within the framework of the emergency regime. According to what was expressed in the official statement, these measures would violate fundamental rights and represent a threat to the respect and protection of human rights in the country. However, in the statement no concrete evidence was presented to support these statements.[172][173]​.

Various surveys indicate high popularity and acceptance of the implementation of the emergency regime, it is evident that for the population, it has been very helpful in controlling crime in the country; On average, citizens approve with around 80%.[174]​[175]​[176]​.

Recientemente en Chile a inicios de 2023 se habló de la posibilidad de que las maras pudiesen estar ingresando hacia el país sureño, logrando aumentar las actividades delincuenciales como tráfico de drogas; si bien los casos han sido identificados y abolidos con oportuna inmediatez, comienza a ser un tema preocupante para la población chilena.[177]​[178]​.

La guerra contra las pandillas ha llevado a países como Honduras[179]​ y Guatemala,[180]​ así como al sur de México, a reforzar la seguridad fronteriza y a multiplicar los operativos en sus países, los cuales ya han reportado detenciones y deportaciones de estos grupos.[146]​.

En México, hacia la frontera que conecta Chiapas con Guatemala, las autoridades formaron una fuerza especial antipandillas, llevando policías en las estaciones de transporte público. El ejército mexicano desplegó en diciembre de 2022 350 soldados adicionales en las comunidades limítrofes con Guatemala. Y es que, en el último año, conductores y propietarios de empresas de transporte público fronterizo han denunciado un aumento de intentos de extorsión por parte de "delincuentes centroamericanos".[146]​.

Allegations of agreed release of gang members

In July 2020, the International Crisis Group published an analysis stating that the reason for the decline in homicides during Bukele's first year in office could have been alleged "silent and informal understandings" between the government and gangs. The Salvadoran government denied the accusations made by ICG, and ICG said that there was no evidence to support the claim.[182]​.

In September 2020, the Salvadoran digital newspaper El Faro accused the Bukele government of carrying out secret negotiations with MS-13. According to El Faro reporting, the government agreed to grant MS-13 more prison freedom in exchange for a reduction in the homicides it would commit and support for Nuevas Ideas in the 2021 legislative elections.[183] Bukele denied El Faro's accusations, posting photos on Twitter of gang members cornered in overcrowded conditions in a prison raid in April 2020.[184]​.

On December 8, 2021, the United States Treasury Department accused the Bukele government of secretly negotiating with MS-13 and Barrio 18 to lower the country's homicide rate. The department said that the Bukele government "provided financial incentives" to both gangs to ensure that they would reduce the country's homicide rate and support Nuevas Ideas in the elections held earlier that year (similar to the El Faro accusations the previous year)[185]​[186]​ and sanctioned Osiris Luna Meza (director general of Penal Centers and vice minister of Justice) and the president of the Dynamization Unit of the Tejido Social, Carlos Marroquín Chica, for negotiating with the gangs.[181]​ Bukele denied the department's accusations, saying that the United States sought "absolute submission" from El Salvador instead of cooperation.[186]​.

On November 8, 2023, Élmer Canales Rivera, nicknamed "El Crook", leader in the Mara Salvatrucha-13, was captured in Mexico and handed over to the US authorities who required him for extradition.[187]​.

The US Attorney's Office points to Bukele government officials for allegedly negotiating with MS-13 between 2019 and 2021. Canales was captured in El Salvador in February 2021. The United States requested his extradition four months after his capture. However, the document made public in February by the United States Department of Justice states: "the Government of El Salvador released Canales Rivera from custody, despite INTERPOL's Red Notice and the pending extradition request from the United States."[188]​.

President Bukele has denied having any link to the incident. The gang member was released a few months later, having previously been in a prison in El Salvador where he had to serve a 40-year sentence. Élmer lived in a luxurious apartment in San Salvador, fleeing to Guatemala and, later, to Mexico. On July 9, 2024, the gang member testified in a trial in the United States.[189][190]​.

Officials Carlos Marroquín and Osiris Luna would have "negotiated on behalf of the president" so that the criminals had economic benefits, more flexibility in prisons, and to avoid their extradition to the United States. In exchange, they had to "stop killing each other in the streets and support the Bukele government."[191]​.

During the 2024 CPAC held in February, Bukele was invited and gave a speech.[192][193][194]​.

In his speech at the 2024 Republican National Convention and in another at a rally in Michigan after the event, the candidate and 45th President, Donald Trump, accused Bukele of throwing murderers in the United States,[195][196]​ questioning the reasons why crime was reduced in El Salvador and[197][198]​ breaking the alliance with him, who welcomed his son, Donald Trump Jr. on the 3rd. June of the same year.[199]​ After the CNR speech, Republican congressman Matt Gaetz visited the mega prison in El Salvador, being received by President Bukele.[200]​ The Republicans thanked Bukele for "stopping the exodus of murderers" to the United States.[201]​ Trump said at his rally in Michigan: "They are throwing their criminals into the United States and we are not going to take it anymore. (…) In El Salvador, murders have dropped by 70%. He (Bukele) said, yes, we are teaching. He's different. He does well working with people who are causing problems. He is not working with them (criminals). They are throwing them away in the United States.

El ministro de Defensa, René Francis Merino Monroy, señaló en agosto de 2023 la disminución significativa en los índices de delincuencia a niveles históricos. El titular sostuvo que los niveles de delincuencia son extremadamente bajos y que esperan cerrar el 2023 con una tasa inferior a los 2,2 homicidios por cada 100 mil habitantes.[203]​ No obstante, organizaciones en el país critican el estado de excepción porque consideran que vulnera su derechos constitucionales y humanos, a esto se le suma la presunta manipulación de las cifras para, según las organizaciones, hacer creer que no hay homicidios.[204]​.

Múltiples han sido las denuncias de organizaciones no gubernamentales, nacionales e internacionales, en las que señalan al Gobierno como el responsable de llevar a cabo crímenes de lesa humanidad,[205]​[206]​ tratos denigrantes, injusticias sociales, muertes, desapariciones forzadas y demás acciones que van en contra de asegurar los derechos de las personas.[207]​.

Son poco más de siete organizaciones en defensa de los Derechos Humanos que han registrado más de 4,500 denuncias,[208]​ todas cometidas en el marco del régimen de excepción. La mayoría de estas denuncias la realizan familiares, mujeres, y sobre todo jóvenes entre los 18 a los 30 años de edad. Organizaciones como Cristosal,[209]​ Movimiento de Víctimas del Régimen (MOVIR),[210]​ Socorro Jurídico Humanitario,[211]​ Human Rights Watch,[212]​ y Amnistía Internacional[213]​ son algunas de las organizaciones con mayor participación social en este tiempo que se ha mantenido el régimen de excepción. Tanto es así, que han acudido ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos para demandar a El Salvador por violaciones a Derechos Humanos durante el régimen.[214]​[215]​[216]​.

El Faro ha recopilado relatos de individuos que estuvieron encarcelados durante el Estado de Excepción. Estos relatos describen la presencia de tortura sistemática desde el momento de ingreso a la prisión de Izalco por ejemplo. Se narran casos de hombres golpeados hasta la muerte frente a otros prisioneros en el penal de Mariona; se menciona la demora intencionada en brindar atención médica a reclusos enfermos, resultando en la necesidad de amputaciones; se evidencia una epidemia de escabiosis o "sarna humana" sin ningún cuidado médico entre los reclusos. Algunos testigos hablan de guardias arrojando comida al suelo como única forma de alimentar a los internos, quienes llegan al extremo de lamer el suelo para sobrevivir. Además, se confirma el constante robo de provisiones alimenticias y de higiene por parte de las autoridades, junto con el uso ilegal, obligatorio y generalizado del polígrafo como condición para recuperar la libertad.[217]​.

Arbitrary arrests

Since the beginning of the State of Exception that was decreed in March 2022, there have been cases of several families that have been victims of arbitrary arrests,[218]​[219]​ either for different reasons, such as, for example, carrying tattoos alluding to gangs, the way they dress, place of residence or even signs made alluding to these criminal groups.[220]​ The arrests include those caused by complaints. anonymous[221][222]​ made by the population. The arrests range from students, workers, vendors, teachers, union members, gang members, religious leaders, police, and soldiers who have been accused of collaborating or belonging to criminal groups.

Some of the most notorious cases were that of two students from the University of El Salvador (UES), a student from the Faculty of Agricultural Sciences and a student from the Faculty of Medicine, both arbitrarily detained; such acts provoked protests from the student community at the time.[223]​[224]​.

Another notorious case was that of 8 young teenagers captured in the lower part of the Lempa River inside their home. They had previously performed a play about the history of El Salvador.[225] It is reported that one night, members of the Armed Forces entered their home where they interrogated the young people and accused them of belonging to gangs. This caused them to spend the entire night in an improvised detachment where, according to reports, they received physical and psychological torture. The next day they were released because relatives went to report their capture to the National Civil Police delegation.

Bukele initially stated in 2022 that arbitrary arrests could be expected that would represent 1% of total arrests, calling it a "margin of error", however; In January 2023, the Minister of Justice Gustavo Villatoro in an interview stated that, up to that date, more than 3,000 innocent people had been released who could not be linked to criminal groups. According to that statistic and taking into account that more than 60,000 suspected gang members had been captured, it would represent a margin of error of 5%.[226]​[227]​[228]​[229]​[230]​[231]​.

In May 2023, the Minister of Justice again gives statements confirming the release of 5,000 innocent people without gang relations, which represents 7% of the total number of detained people.[232]​.

In August 2023, again the Minister of Justice, Gustavo Villatoro, gave a new report in which he declared that up to that date more than 7,000 innocent people captured during the regime who were not found to have connections with gangs have been released and who represent 10% of the total number of detained people.[233][234]​.

Marvin Reyes, leader of the Movement of Workers of the National Civil Police (MTP), said that the agents of the police forces of El Salvador would have received demands for "quotas of detainees per day" at the beginning of the emergency regime, which generated "abuse" by the agents.[235]​.

Deaths and disappearances

In April 2022, after a month of having implemented the emergency regime, a report prepared by the organization Cristosal and Human Rights Watch documented deaths and forced disappearances, both acts were committed under the regime and point to the Salvadoran State as the main responsible, according to the report. These organizations since the beginning of the regime have been monitoring the government's actions regarding these arrests.[236][237]​.

One year after the security policy was in force, Cristosal made public a report on Human Rights violations committed under this measure. The report indicates that 160 people have died, mostly young people between 18 and 38 years of age. Lawyer Zaira Navas, legal head of Rule of Law and Security of the Cristosal organization, explained during the presentation of the report that it is the first time, through an investigation, that *“the deaths that occurred inside penal centers are verified and documented, that is, under State custody.” prisons, of which 91% were of people not linked to gangs.[241]​ The Attorney General's Office has archived 142 of these cases of deaths in prisons, the justification is based on the fact that the deaths do not constitute a crime by State Security agents, this, after Attorney General Rodolfo Delgado issued the statement.[242]​.

Between March 2022 and February 2023, Cristosal documented 189 cases of people who disappeared after being arbitrarily detained under the emergency regime. These cases involve individuals whose family members were not informed of where they were being held, and often discovered this information weeks or months later. In at least 10 situations, relatives still do not know the whereabouts of their loved ones. These events add to a broader pattern of arbitrary detentions, representing approximately 80% of the 4,564 complaints received by civil organizations during that period. Until November 2023, the figures have risen to more than 320 cases of forced disappearances.[243]​[244]​.

Torture in prisons

In August 2022, the University Observatory of Human Rights (OUDH) of the José Simeón Cañas Central American University (UCA) also revealed cases of torture committed during the application of the state of emergency.[245]​.

The torture, according to a story that a teenager shared with Idhuca workers, police and military use the same techniques that scandalized the world at the beginning of the century when American soldiers used them against detainees in Guantánamo Bay, they submerged him in a water tank until he was almost breathless. The catalog, according to the young man's testimony, also included the techniques used by the South American dictatorships of the 70s.[246]​ where what they do is squeeze the nails with tweezers and pliers, The PNC, according to the UCA report, uses torture to force young people to confess that they are gang members. The humiliation he suffered at the police station was followed, for another 12 days, by more mistreatment at the youth shelter, where he was later sent. Some victims were put in a small cell with 12 other young people, these being gang members. Guard guards and gang members took turns during this time to carry out beatings according to a recent investigation by the newspaper El Faro.

The report by the NGO Cristosal indicates that of the more than 150 deaths in prisons, 29 of those deaths were violent, while another 46 have been classified as suspicious. According to documents, the bodies of the majority of these 75 victims showed signs of torture, but the causes of their deaths were classified as "undetermined" or "natural", so the true number of violent deaths could be higher.[247]​.

Prison overcrowding

Since the declaration of the emergency regime, thousands of people have been arrested, which has overloaded El Salvador's prisons nationwide; In response to prison overcrowding, the Government approved the construction of new prisons in 2022.[248]​[249]​.

If the prison population (94,687) is divided by the most updated figure on accommodation capacity in penal centers (30,864), overcrowding would correspond to approximately 306.79%. On the other hand, when adding the variant on the capacity of the new Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), 40,000 inmates, the national penitentiary capacity would be approximately 70,864 people and overcrowding would correspond to 133.62%.[250][251][252]​.

Response from the Office of the Attorney General for the Defense of Human Rights (PDDH).

Former prosecutor José Apolonio Tobar (2019-2022) was harshly criticized by civil organizations, as they pointed out that in his management during the regime he did not behave independently, but rather praised security policies, being accused of omitting to speak out on the possible abuses that would be occurring in some penal centers that house detainees, as well as possible arbitrary detentions and human rights violations. They also question him when he gave recognition for his participation to the Minister of Security, Gustavo Villatoro, during the 1st Ibero-American Human Rights Summit in August 2022.[253]​[254]​[255]​[256]​[257]​.

Raquel Cabello, as attorney elected in 2022 to replace Apolonio Tobar for the period 2022-2025, has also been harshly criticized for following the same line as her predecessor. The MOVIR movement questioned that the head of the institution has not commented on the complaints of Human Rights violations, and that, instead, she has mentioned that all those captured, without exception, are gang members or collaborators of these groups.[258]​[259]​[260]​.

The Humanitarian Legal Aid organization urged the Human Rights Attorney to condemn the actions of the Executive, Legislative and Judicial of El Salvador during the emergency regime.[261]​.

On January 31, 2023, Nayib Bukele, together with his Security Cabinet, presented the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), a prison facility located in the municipality of Tecoluca, in the department of San Vicente "San Vicente (department El Salvador)"), with an area of ​​1.6 km² and capacity for 40,000 inmates. The penal center has, in addition to pavilions for confinement of prisoners, a building for guards, hearing rooms, punishment cells, factories for workshops, access control with a full body scanner and a package scanner.[262]​[263]​[264]​[265]​[266]​[267]​[268][269]​.

• - Government of Nayib Bukele.

• - Crime in El Salvador.

• - La Truce "La Truce (El Salvador)").

• - War against the gangs (Honduras) "War against the gangs (Honduras)").

• - War against gangs (Guatemala)&action=edit&redlink=1 "War against gangs (Guatemala) (not yet written)").

The Mano Dura and Super Mano Dura Plans promoted by the governments of Francisco Flores and Antonio Saca respectively, were a set of public security measures, which marked the beginning of a cycle of responses from the Salvadoran State towards the gangs.[46]​.

The measures consisted of deploying strong police and military operations aimed at massively capturing all those who were presumed to be gang members. The measures also included the application of controversial transitional anti-gang laws along with reforms to the judicial and prison systems. This meant, for many, a very repressive approach to a social problem.[47]​.

In July 2003, four months after holding the legislative and municipal elections, and seven months before the presidential elections, Francisco Flores announced the launch[48]​ of the plan in response to an alleged crime boom due to gangs. According to official figures, in 2000 and 2001 the country maintained a rate of 39 and 37 violent deaths per 100 thousand inhabitants respectively, by 2002 the figure dropped to 32 and by 2003 with the Mano Dura plan it climbed again to reach 36.[8]​.

According to the University Institute of Public Opinion (Iudop),[49]​ the measure, despite the figures, increased Flores' popularity. Its evaluation went from 5 points, on a scale of 0 to 10, to 6.26 in December 2003, in just five months of the plan being in effect.

In fact, the report reports that with the new Saca government, in August 2004, security measures were institutionalized, under the name of Plan Súper Mano Dura, with greater emphasis on the criminal prosecution of gang members. The plan delegated for the first time to the armed forces their participation in police work, whether in operations, searches and arrests.

According to the study, between 2003 and 2006 the homicide rate went from 36 murders to 64 per 100,000 inhabitants. That is to say, the number of violent deaths doubled while the Mano Dura and Super Mano Duro were in force.[50]​[51]​.

This plan was criticized by analysts, since the legal basis on which it was based to carry out the arrests was due to stigmatization, that is, the way of acting, the way of dressing, the place where they lived, among others; They also point out that with this the young population was going to be the most affected, especially those who lived in conditions of poverty. According to official data, the number of gang members in El Salvador at that time was 20 thousand. In the bill that they would have sent to the Assembly for approval and implementation of said security plan and thus reinforce the judicial system and the penitentiary system, a public expense of around $8,500 per gang member was estimated annually, these expenses would involve capturing, trying and imprisoning each gang member.[47]​.

A thesis carried out by high school graduates of the Bachelor of Legal Sciences in 2007 analyzed the effectiveness of these security policies. Although they pointed out that the perception of citizens was mostly positive, they also highlighted that the implementation of these policies did not produce the expected results. According to their research, violence levels actually increased during the implementation of these measures. Furthermore, they concluded that actions should not be limited to repression and punishment, but that it is crucial to focus on reintegration,[52]​ especially through education in communities with high levels of poverty from childhood. They also emphasized respect for the integrity and human rights of the detainees. Instead of solving problems immediately, they indicated that it is essential to address the underlying causes with highly trained personnel, which involves a strategic and detailed approach in collaboration with various sectors to fully understand the roots and consequences of the problem.[53]​.

Cuando Nayib Bukele fue elegido presidente en 2019, declaró que la reducción de la violencia era una prioridad. En ese año se lanzó el Plan Control Territorial el cual tiene como propósito cumplir con los siguientes objetivos:[54]​[55]​.

• - Salir de la lista de países más violentos del mundo en el 2021.

• - Contar con los elementos para que la Guerra Contra Pandillas sea posible.

• - Garantizar que la paz sea posible a largo plazo.

En 2021, la tasa de homicidios alcanzó su nivel más bajo desde que terminó la guerra civil en 1992, con 18 homicidios por cada 100 mil habitantes, saliendo ese año, además, de la lista de los países más violentos del mundo. El Salvador había comenzado un muy leve declive desde 2016, una disminución significativa sucedió en el 2020, teniendo otra reducción en el 2021 y marcando al 2022 como el año más seguro en su historia.[56]​[57]​[58]​.

Las fases que se han ido lanzando desde junio de 2019 son las siguientes:.

PHASE I: Territorial control. (Jun/2019)

It consists of the deployment of security forces and the armed force. It seeks to expand the presence of police by carrying out a territorial control and recovery plan.[59]​.

PHASE II: Opportunity. (Jul/2019)

I would seek to ensure that the different State portfolios that can contribute to the prevention and effective fight against crime must function and go towards each community, to influence the young population and the most vulnerable. It would be coordinated under the Social Fabric Reconstruction Unit, which will belong to the Ministry of the Interior.[60]​[61]​.

PHASE III: Modernization. (Jan/2020)

It is focused on providing better equipment to the National Civil Police (PNC) and the Armed Forces of El Salvador (FAES) to efficiently combat criminal gangs. This includes: better weapons, bulletproof vests, uniforms, tactical helmets, radios, better vehicles, helicopters, drones, night vision cameras on street corners and better police posts, among others.[62][63]​.

On February 9, 2020, an unprecedented event occurred in the history of the country.[64][65]​.

PHASE IV: Raid. (Jul/2021)

It implies that the Army, in support of the PNC, would invade all territories dominated by gangs. This phase includes the order to incorporate more elements into the Armed Forces, to have 40,000 in total.[66]​.

PHASE V: Extraction. (Nov/2022)

It consists of the extraction of criminals who still remain in the communities and anywhere in the country. Here the famous fences guarded by the military begin to be implemented, which contemplate registering citizens who entered and left.[67]​[68]​[69]​.

PHASE VI: Integration. (Aug/2023)

It would focus on medium and long-term needs, with the implementation of policies to reduce poverty, social development, and vocational, technical and professional training. It would be realized with the creation of the National Directorate of National Integration, an entity that according to a government project would dissolve the current Salvadoran Institute of Professional Training (Insaforp) and in the same way the dissolution of the National Youth Institute (Injuve) is contemplated.[70]​[71]​.

Mauricio Funes (2009-2014)

Investigations carried out into the presidential administration of Mauricio Funes that began in 2017 by the Attorney General's Office of the Republic "Fiscalía General de la República (El Salvador)"), which pointed to an alleged case of money laundering in the first place, resulted in a judge sentencing him to 14 years in prison in May 2023 for being involved in carrying out the "truce" with the gangs. Currently, since 2019,[72][73]​ Funes is a fugitive and since 2016 living in Nicaragua[74]​ with political asylum, he considers himself a victim of political persecution.[75][76]​.

In 2012, the gangs agreed to what was known as a non-aggression pact or "peace process" among their members, which was promoted by Funes himself, but according to investigations, Funes actually promoted a pact between his government and the gangs, in order to give special benefits to these groups, such as: better prison conditions, the State ending the harassment and persecution of their families and other members, and also seeking their reintegration. to society; all in exchange for reducing the number of homicides in the country. In 2014 the truce broke up and the spike in homicides skyrocketed again.[75]​.

His former security minister, David Payés, was sentenced to 18 years; he acknowledged being the facilitator of said truce. He was accused of Illicit Groups and Failure to Comply with Duties and Arbitrary Acts. At the time, Funes tried to distance himself and alluded that it was a process between gangs and not in alliance with the government.[75]​.

In a statement released and signed by the three main gangs in El Salvador (Mara Salvatrucha and the Sureños and Revolucionarios factions of Barrio 18) at the end of May 2018, they publicly admit that the truce began in the government of Mauricio Funes.[77]​.

Salvador Sánchez Cerén (2014-2019)

A recording was leaked where members of Cerén's future cabinet could allegedly be heard speaking with alleged spokespersons for the country's main gangs. This in order to negotiate votes, negotiate benefits and reduce homicides. There are still no indications where the former president is directly linked to having participated in those or some other negotiations, but it is presumed, through statements from former leaders, that such provision was available, and some requests were made.[78]​[79][80]​.

Sánchez Cerén is currently a fugitive and living in Nicaragua; justice is looking for him for possible money laundering and illicit enrichment.[81]​.

Norman Quijano (2014)

The former presidential candidate for the 2014 elections was accused at the end of January 2020 by the Attorney General's Office "Fiscalía General de la República (El Salvador)") (FGR) and requesting that the Assembly withdraw the constitutional jurisdiction of deputy Norman Quijano so that he faces criminal proceedings, after being accused during a trial of arranging votes with gangs in exchange for money and other benefits. It was in 2019 during a trial in which more than 300 members of the Mara Salvatrucha were convicted, when a witness indicated that Quijano negotiated money in exchange for votes to favor his political party. It was a video delivered by the witness who gave the green light to request a pretrial and submit the former presidential candidate and former deputy to the Public Ministry. The request for immunity was not successful at the time.[82]​[83]​[84]​[85]​[86]​.

The process would also be affecting the former mayor and governor of San Salvador Ernesto Muyshondt; which is facing multiple judicial processes.[87]​.

In the legislative and municipal elections of 2021, Norman Quijano achieved victory to be part of PARLACEN, in June of that year the Seventh Court of Peace ordered preventive detention against Quijano before taking office as a deputy of said institution, this, due to charges of illicit groups and electoral fraud.[88] At the end of 2021, the Assembly of El Salvador declared firmly with 66 votes in favor of withdrawing the jurisdiction of Quijano, something that was criticized by some actors since being a member of PARLACEN, it is up to that institution to withdraw the jurisdiction at the request of the State.[89]​.

In January 2022 an arrest warrant was issued[90]​ and at the end of 2022 the First Criminal Chamber set up the preliminary hearing against Norman Quijano, for the crimes of illicit groups and electoral fraud.[91]​[92]​ In August 2023 the FGR requests before the court that the evidence against the accused Quijano be admitted.[93]​.

Nayib Bukele (2019-2024)

The United States government accused some El Salvador government officials of having a secret agreement with the gangs;[94]​ Although the country's president was not directly accused, reports from some media in El Salvador indicated that Bukele was involved, initially when he was mayor of San Salvador,[95]​ and then, when he took the presidency, of negotiating a reduction in violence in exchange for economic and penitentiary benefits. He even tried to hide or eliminate any evidence through his Director of the Social Fabric Reconstruction Unit Carlos Marroquín[96]​ and his Director of Penal Centers and Vice Minister of Security ad honorem Osiris Luna, these being at the same time his intermediaries.[97][98]​.

In December 2021, the United States Treasury Department sanctioned two Salvadoran officials who it claimed led talks between the government and the country's major gangs. Bukele described the accusations as false, alleging that his government has not made any type of deal, and denouncing previous governments for having made deals with gangs, in which they were given money, benefits and even shooting ranges.[99][100]​.

It is known, through journalistic investigations, that the homicides that occurred at the end of March 2022, which left more than 80 people murdered, were due to the breaking of the pact between the government and the gangs. This was pointed out by alleged spokespersons for the MS-13, who revealed to El Faro that the murders were a response to what they considered a “betrayal” by the Government of President Nayib Bukele of the pact they had maintained for at least two years and medium.[101]​[102]​ The government blamed the violence on the Mara Salvatrucha.[103]​.

William Soriano, a congressman for the New Ideas party, suggested that the increase in violence was retaliation for the government's takeover of two bus routes in the capital, where gangs often extort income; According to José Miguel Cruz, director of research at Florida International University, the gangs may have been sending a message to the government to try to obtain better conditions.[104]​[105]​[106]​ This case was the trigger for proclaiming war against the gangs and implementing the emergency regime.[39]​[40]​[41]​.

During an extraordinary session in the early hours of March 27, the Legislative Assembly of El Salvador approved a "state of exception."[107]​[108]​ According to the Constitution of El Salvador, its articles 29 and 30 establish that said regime of exception may be established under the following reading:[109]​[110]​.

The order, which lasts thirty days, but has been extended consecutively,[111][112] establishes the suspension of constitutional rights, among which is increasing the time of detention without charges from three to fifteen days and allowing the government to monitor citizens' communications without a court order. Salvadoran security forces have been accused of violating even the expanded limits of their powers.[113]​.

In addition, pro-government deputies approved new laws that increase prison sentences for gang members and any other organized crime gang, palabreros (gang leaders) will receive 40 to 45 years in prison, gang members will receive 20 to 30 years in prison.[114] Cases have been reported in which gang members who have finished serving their sentence have been recaptured for the crime of grouping. illegal activities, since by continuing to be active members of gangs, they are considered a risk to the population.[115]​.

The government deployed additional police and military forces, raided homes and created checkpoints around neighborhoods with known gang presence.[116] The soldiers, through military fences, searched everyone for identification cards and proof of address, searched their vehicles and backpacks, military checkpoints were set up in the neighborhoods with the highest incidence of crime, in which they search every person entering and leaving the communities, anyone considered suspicious is searched by the soldiers for tattoos or signs related to gangs.[117]​[118]​.

In late March 2022, Salvadoran security forces announced that they had arrested 576 suspected gang members; Since the declaration of the state of emergency, more than 68 thousand people possibly linked to gangs have been arrested, which has overloaded El Salvador's prisons.[119]​[120]​ Rations have been reduced to two meals per day, consisting only of beans and tortillas, and Bukele explained that "he would not take budget away from schools to feed these terrorists."[121]​[122]​ He also ordered that all gang members remain. in their cells 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.

Many people have been unable to learn where or why their relatives were detained,[123][124]​ with several hundred women gathered outside a naval base being used as a detention center.

On November 3, 2022, Osiris Luna Meza, Director of Penal Centers, announced that the government would begin destroying Tombstones belonging to gang members, to prevent them from becoming "shrines", stating that "terrorists will no longer be able to 'glorify' the memory of dead criminals." Despite the destruction of the tombstones, the government declared that the bodies would remain intact and would not be disturbed. Bukele compared the removal of gang members' tombstones to denazification in Allied-occupied Germany and also compared the gangs to the Nazis themselves.[125][126]​.

On December 3, 2022, 10,000 soldiers were sent to surround the city of Soyapango and arrest the gang members. The government erased their graffiti from the city during the siege.[127]​.

On the other hand, Bukele has on numerous occasions blamed the Mara Salvatrucha and the Mara 18 for generating the wave of violence in an attempt to destabilize his government, and that they are being financed by the Salvadoran opposition, mainly pointing to the parties Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) and Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) and even pointing out national and international non-governmental human rights organizations for trying to undermine his policies. security[128]​[129]​ to regain the control that these parties had in Salvadoran politics and in prisons, alleging that the gangs would now be looking for a way to evolve into guerrillas in the rural area of ​​the country, replicating guerrilla tactics that they claim were taught in shooting ranges during the FMLN government,[130]​ adding that so far during the state of emergency, camps belonging to gang members.[131]​ He accused ARENA and the FMLN of having supposedly agreed in their governments on an agreement with the gangs in which they would become a guerrilla to provoke a new armed conflict, which would end in a new peace agreement that would insert the gang leaders into Salvadoran politics; He also accused the OAS of agreeing with this alleged pact.[132]​[133]​.

A nivel nacional, la política de seguridad ha cobrado popularidad y ha sido aplaudida entre muchos habitantes.[134]​ Sin embargo, en varios países del mundo y especialmente en América, han salido políticos y gobiernos expresando ya sea su rechazo y preocupación o aceptación y elogios a la política de seguridad.[135]​[136]​[137]​[138]​[139]​.

Colombia

On March 1, Gustavo Petro, president of Colombia, criticized the policy against gangs and described the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT) as a "concentration camp" during a speech at a Colombia University. From there, Bukele and Petro began to present their arguments on Twitter about security in their respective countries.[140][141][142]​.

Other actors such as those from the Democratic Center party "Democratic Center (Colombia)") have praised and defended the measures of the Salvadoran president. Among the party, Senator María Fernanda Cabal stands out, who has repeatedly identified herself and has come out to publicly defend the president and his policies to eradicate gangs.[143]​[144]​[145]​.

Costa Rica

The president of Costa Rica, Rodrigo Chaves, mentioned that he does not have the possibility of implementing a measure that does not adjust to the reality of his country:[146]​.

After a surprise visit by the president in December 2022, rumors spread that he would visit family and supporters who would be on the verge of forming a new Costa Rican party called the National Democratic Alliance (ADN), which, it was assumed, would have the same ideologies as Bukele's.[147]​[148]​.

Former presidents such as Luis Guillermo Solís and Laura Chinchilla expressed their concern about the repression of the Human Rights of the Salvadoran population and that such a measure would represent a very short-term solution.[149]​[150]​.

Chili

The Chilean writer and intellectual, Isabel Allende, compared President Nayib Bukele with the presidency of the military man and dictator Augusto Pinochet. "In Chile now people are longing for a Bukele. I say: be careful. That was Pinochet. There was security in those times. But the insecurity and terror came from the State, not from the criminal who walks the street," Allende assured the Spanish newspaper El País in an interview.[151]​.

President Gabriel Boric, in an interview, mentions the issue of the emergency regime in El Salvador and emphasizes that the human rights of the population must be fully respected and also suggests that the country could be heading towards an authoritarian drift.[152][153]​.

Ecuador

Guillermo Lasso, president of Ecuador, has tried to approach Bukele's security policies with caution. Although his Government has implemented its own state of emergency for a few months, Lasso places special emphasis on ensuring the human rights of prisoners. «We are taking actions within the constitutional framework of Ecuador. Within very clear rules of respect for human rights. Because even though they are people deprived of their liberty who have committed crimes, even major ones, they have not lost the right to dignity," the president said in an interview.[154]​[155]​[156]​[157]​[158]​.

Jan Topić, former presidential candidate in 2023, is known for being an admirer of Bukele and his security policies as he promised to implement a tough line against crime in his country.[159]​.

USA

A spokesperson for the United States Department of State condemned the increase in violence in El Salvador, and United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken condemned the violence and called on the government to "respect due process and protect civil liberties", to which President Bukele responded by saying that "El Salvador received help from the United States, but under President Trump".[160]​[161]​.

On January 30, the prominent representative of Minnesota, Ilhan Omar, led by members of the United States Congress, including Joaquín Castro, Barbara Lee, Mark Pocan, Jamie Raskin, all of the Democratic Party "Democratic Party (United States)") sent a letter to then Secretary of State Antony Blinken urging the Biden Administration to address current threats to ''democracy'' and ''human rights'' in El Salvador before the next elections month.[162]​.

In response to this statement, President Nayib Bukele made a publication on X's platform saying: "We are HONORED to receive your attacks, just days before OUR election," he wrote on X. "I would be very worried if we had your support." Translation: "We are honored to receive your attacks, just a few days before OUR election," he wrote in X. "I would be very concerned if we had your support."[163]​.

Honduras

The president of Honduras, Xiomara Castro, was open to adopting the security policies of the neighboring country and implementing them in her own region. Thus, since December 2022, thousands of police forces and armed forces began to be deployed to the corners with the greatest influx of gangs.[164]​[165]​.

Peru

In Peru, some sectors within the government have expressed interest in applying an exception regime similar to that implemented in El Salvador in response to the increase in citizen insecurity. However, the administration of President Dina Boluarte has stated that it has its own plan to confront crime. For their part, various experts have shown caution regarding the comparison, pointing out that the social, political and structural realities of both countries are significantly different.[166]​.

There is also talk of groups, organizations, collectives and politicians from different parties wanting to adopt Bukele's security measures.[167]​[168]​[169]​ The mayor of Lima, Rafael Aliaga is one of the politicians who has been most willing to promote the measure.[170]​.

Guatemala

In the 2023 Guatemalan general elections, several presidential candidates included in their proposals the implementation of security policies inspired by the measures adopted by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele. Among them, Zury Ríos, daughter of the former head of state and former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt, stood out.[171]​.

European Union

In September 2023, the European Parliament issued an urgent request to the Government of El Salvador to suspend the security policies implemented within the framework of the emergency regime. According to what was expressed in the official statement, these measures would violate fundamental rights and represent a threat to the respect and protection of human rights in the country. However, in the statement no concrete evidence was presented to support these statements.[172][173]​.

Various surveys indicate high popularity and acceptance of the implementation of the emergency regime, it is evident that for the population, it has been very helpful in controlling crime in the country; On average, citizens approve with around 80%.[174]​[175]​[176]​.

Recientemente en Chile a inicios de 2023 se habló de la posibilidad de que las maras pudiesen estar ingresando hacia el país sureño, logrando aumentar las actividades delincuenciales como tráfico de drogas; si bien los casos han sido identificados y abolidos con oportuna inmediatez, comienza a ser un tema preocupante para la población chilena.[177]​[178]​.

La guerra contra las pandillas ha llevado a países como Honduras[179]​ y Guatemala,[180]​ así como al sur de México, a reforzar la seguridad fronteriza y a multiplicar los operativos en sus países, los cuales ya han reportado detenciones y deportaciones de estos grupos.[146]​.

En México, hacia la frontera que conecta Chiapas con Guatemala, las autoridades formaron una fuerza especial antipandillas, llevando policías en las estaciones de transporte público. El ejército mexicano desplegó en diciembre de 2022 350 soldados adicionales en las comunidades limítrofes con Guatemala. Y es que, en el último año, conductores y propietarios de empresas de transporte público fronterizo han denunciado un aumento de intentos de extorsión por parte de "delincuentes centroamericanos".[146]​.

Allegations of agreed release of gang members

In July 2020, the International Crisis Group published an analysis stating that the reason for the decline in homicides during Bukele's first year in office could have been alleged "silent and informal understandings" between the government and gangs. The Salvadoran government denied the accusations made by ICG, and ICG said that there was no evidence to support the claim.[182]​.

In September 2020, the Salvadoran digital newspaper El Faro accused the Bukele government of carrying out secret negotiations with MS-13. According to El Faro reporting, the government agreed to grant MS-13 more prison freedom in exchange for a reduction in the homicides it would commit and support for Nuevas Ideas in the 2021 legislative elections.[183] Bukele denied El Faro's accusations, posting photos on Twitter of gang members cornered in overcrowded conditions in a prison raid in April 2020.[184]​.

On December 8, 2021, the United States Treasury Department accused the Bukele government of secretly negotiating with MS-13 and Barrio 18 to lower the country's homicide rate. The department said that the Bukele government "provided financial incentives" to both gangs to ensure that they would reduce the country's homicide rate and support Nuevas Ideas in the elections held earlier that year (similar to the El Faro accusations the previous year)[185]​[186]​ and sanctioned Osiris Luna Meza (director general of Penal Centers and vice minister of Justice) and the president of the Dynamization Unit of the Tejido Social, Carlos Marroquín Chica, for negotiating with the gangs.[181]​ Bukele denied the department's accusations, saying that the United States sought "absolute submission" from El Salvador instead of cooperation.[186]​.

On November 8, 2023, Élmer Canales Rivera, nicknamed "El Crook", leader in the Mara Salvatrucha-13, was captured in Mexico and handed over to the US authorities who required him for extradition.[187]​.

The US Attorney's Office points to Bukele government officials for allegedly negotiating with MS-13 between 2019 and 2021. Canales was captured in El Salvador in February 2021. The United States requested his extradition four months after his capture. However, the document made public in February by the United States Department of Justice states: "the Government of El Salvador released Canales Rivera from custody, despite INTERPOL's Red Notice and the pending extradition request from the United States."[188]​.

President Bukele has denied having any link to the incident. The gang member was released a few months later, having previously been in a prison in El Salvador where he had to serve a 40-year sentence. Élmer lived in a luxurious apartment in San Salvador, fleeing to Guatemala and, later, to Mexico. On July 9, 2024, the gang member testified in a trial in the United States.[189][190]​.

Officials Carlos Marroquín and Osiris Luna would have "negotiated on behalf of the president" so that the criminals had economic benefits, more flexibility in prisons, and to avoid their extradition to the United States. In exchange, they had to "stop killing each other in the streets and support the Bukele government."[191]​.

During the 2024 CPAC held in February, Bukele was invited and gave a speech.[192][193][194]​.

In his speech at the 2024 Republican National Convention and in another at a rally in Michigan after the event, the candidate and 45th President, Donald Trump, accused Bukele of throwing murderers in the United States,[195][196]​ questioning the reasons why crime was reduced in El Salvador and[197][198]​ breaking the alliance with him, who welcomed his son, Donald Trump Jr. on the 3rd. June of the same year.[199]​ After the CNR speech, Republican congressman Matt Gaetz visited the mega prison in El Salvador, being received by President Bukele.[200]​ The Republicans thanked Bukele for "stopping the exodus of murderers" to the United States.[201]​ Trump said at his rally in Michigan: "They are throwing their criminals into the United States and we are not going to take it anymore. (…) In El Salvador, murders have dropped by 70%. He (Bukele) said, yes, we are teaching. He's different. He does well working with people who are causing problems. He is not working with them (criminals). They are throwing them away in the United States.

El ministro de Defensa, René Francis Merino Monroy, señaló en agosto de 2023 la disminución significativa en los índices de delincuencia a niveles históricos. El titular sostuvo que los niveles de delincuencia son extremadamente bajos y que esperan cerrar el 2023 con una tasa inferior a los 2,2 homicidios por cada 100 mil habitantes.[203]​ No obstante, organizaciones en el país critican el estado de excepción porque consideran que vulnera su derechos constitucionales y humanos, a esto se le suma la presunta manipulación de las cifras para, según las organizaciones, hacer creer que no hay homicidios.[204]​.

Múltiples han sido las denuncias de organizaciones no gubernamentales, nacionales e internacionales, en las que señalan al Gobierno como el responsable de llevar a cabo crímenes de lesa humanidad,[205]​[206]​ tratos denigrantes, injusticias sociales, muertes, desapariciones forzadas y demás acciones que van en contra de asegurar los derechos de las personas.[207]​.

Son poco más de siete organizaciones en defensa de los Derechos Humanos que han registrado más de 4,500 denuncias,[208]​ todas cometidas en el marco del régimen de excepción. La mayoría de estas denuncias la realizan familiares, mujeres, y sobre todo jóvenes entre los 18 a los 30 años de edad. Organizaciones como Cristosal,[209]​ Movimiento de Víctimas del Régimen (MOVIR),[210]​ Socorro Jurídico Humanitario,[211]​ Human Rights Watch,[212]​ y Amnistía Internacional[213]​ son algunas de las organizaciones con mayor participación social en este tiempo que se ha mantenido el régimen de excepción. Tanto es así, que han acudido ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos para demandar a El Salvador por violaciones a Derechos Humanos durante el régimen.[214]​[215]​[216]​.

El Faro ha recopilado relatos de individuos que estuvieron encarcelados durante el Estado de Excepción. Estos relatos describen la presencia de tortura sistemática desde el momento de ingreso a la prisión de Izalco por ejemplo. Se narran casos de hombres golpeados hasta la muerte frente a otros prisioneros en el penal de Mariona; se menciona la demora intencionada en brindar atención médica a reclusos enfermos, resultando en la necesidad de amputaciones; se evidencia una epidemia de escabiosis o "sarna humana" sin ningún cuidado médico entre los reclusos. Algunos testigos hablan de guardias arrojando comida al suelo como única forma de alimentar a los internos, quienes llegan al extremo de lamer el suelo para sobrevivir. Además, se confirma el constante robo de provisiones alimenticias y de higiene por parte de las autoridades, junto con el uso ilegal, obligatorio y generalizado del polígrafo como condición para recuperar la libertad.[217]​.

Arbitrary arrests

Since the beginning of the State of Exception that was decreed in March 2022, there have been cases of several families that have been victims of arbitrary arrests,[218]​[219]​ either for different reasons, such as, for example, carrying tattoos alluding to gangs, the way they dress, place of residence or even signs made alluding to these criminal groups.[220]​ The arrests include those caused by complaints. anonymous[221][222]​ made by the population. The arrests range from students, workers, vendors, teachers, union members, gang members, religious leaders, police, and soldiers who have been accused of collaborating or belonging to criminal groups.

Some of the most notorious cases were that of two students from the University of El Salvador (UES), a student from the Faculty of Agricultural Sciences and a student from the Faculty of Medicine, both arbitrarily detained; such acts provoked protests from the student community at the time.[223]​[224]​.

Another notorious case was that of 8 young teenagers captured in the lower part of the Lempa River inside their home. They had previously performed a play about the history of El Salvador.[225] It is reported that one night, members of the Armed Forces entered their home where they interrogated the young people and accused them of belonging to gangs. This caused them to spend the entire night in an improvised detachment where, according to reports, they received physical and psychological torture. The next day they were released because relatives went to report their capture to the National Civil Police delegation.

Bukele initially stated in 2022 that arbitrary arrests could be expected that would represent 1% of total arrests, calling it a "margin of error", however; In January 2023, the Minister of Justice Gustavo Villatoro in an interview stated that, up to that date, more than 3,000 innocent people had been released who could not be linked to criminal groups. According to that statistic and taking into account that more than 60,000 suspected gang members had been captured, it would represent a margin of error of 5%.[226]​[227]​[228]​[229]​[230]​[231]​.

In May 2023, the Minister of Justice again gives statements confirming the release of 5,000 innocent people without gang relations, which represents 7% of the total number of detained people.[232]​.

In August 2023, again the Minister of Justice, Gustavo Villatoro, gave a new report in which he declared that up to that date more than 7,000 innocent people captured during the regime who were not found to have connections with gangs have been released and who represent 10% of the total number of detained people.[233][234]​.

Marvin Reyes, leader of the Movement of Workers of the National Civil Police (MTP), said that the agents of the police forces of El Salvador would have received demands for "quotas of detainees per day" at the beginning of the emergency regime, which generated "abuse" by the agents.[235]​.

Deaths and disappearances

In April 2022, after a month of having implemented the emergency regime, a report prepared by the organization Cristosal and Human Rights Watch documented deaths and forced disappearances, both acts were committed under the regime and point to the Salvadoran State as the main responsible, according to the report. These organizations since the beginning of the regime have been monitoring the government's actions regarding these arrests.[236][237]​.

One year after the security policy was in force, Cristosal made public a report on Human Rights violations committed under this measure. The report indicates that 160 people have died, mostly young people between 18 and 38 years of age. Lawyer Zaira Navas, legal head of Rule of Law and Security of the Cristosal organization, explained during the presentation of the report that it is the first time, through an investigation, that *“the deaths that occurred inside penal centers are verified and documented, that is, under State custody.” prisons, of which 91% were of people not linked to gangs.[241]​ The Attorney General's Office has archived 142 of these cases of deaths in prisons, the justification is based on the fact that the deaths do not constitute a crime by State Security agents, this, after Attorney General Rodolfo Delgado issued the statement.[242]​.

Between March 2022 and February 2023, Cristosal documented 189 cases of people who disappeared after being arbitrarily detained under the emergency regime. These cases involve individuals whose family members were not informed of where they were being held, and often discovered this information weeks or months later. In at least 10 situations, relatives still do not know the whereabouts of their loved ones. These events add to a broader pattern of arbitrary detentions, representing approximately 80% of the 4,564 complaints received by civil organizations during that period. Until November 2023, the figures have risen to more than 320 cases of forced disappearances.[243]​[244]​.

Torture in prisons

In August 2022, the University Observatory of Human Rights (OUDH) of the José Simeón Cañas Central American University (UCA) also revealed cases of torture committed during the application of the state of emergency.[245]​.

The torture, according to a story that a teenager shared with Idhuca workers, police and military use the same techniques that scandalized the world at the beginning of the century when American soldiers used them against detainees in Guantánamo Bay, they submerged him in a water tank until he was almost breathless. The catalog, according to the young man's testimony, also included the techniques used by the South American dictatorships of the 70s.[246]​ where what they do is squeeze the nails with tweezers and pliers, The PNC, according to the UCA report, uses torture to force young people to confess that they are gang members. The humiliation he suffered at the police station was followed, for another 12 days, by more mistreatment at the youth shelter, where he was later sent. Some victims were put in a small cell with 12 other young people, these being gang members. Guard guards and gang members took turns during this time to carry out beatings according to a recent investigation by the newspaper El Faro.

The report by the NGO Cristosal indicates that of the more than 150 deaths in prisons, 29 of those deaths were violent, while another 46 have been classified as suspicious. According to documents, the bodies of the majority of these 75 victims showed signs of torture, but the causes of their deaths were classified as "undetermined" or "natural", so the true number of violent deaths could be higher.[247]​.

Prison overcrowding

Since the declaration of the emergency regime, thousands of people have been arrested, which has overloaded El Salvador's prisons nationwide; In response to prison overcrowding, the Government approved the construction of new prisons in 2022.[248]​[249]​.

If the prison population (94,687) is divided by the most updated figure on accommodation capacity in penal centers (30,864), overcrowding would correspond to approximately 306.79%. On the other hand, when adding the variant on the capacity of the new Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), 40,000 inmates, the national penitentiary capacity would be approximately 70,864 people and overcrowding would correspond to 133.62%.[250][251][252]​.

Response from the Office of the Attorney General for the Defense of Human Rights (PDDH).

Former prosecutor José Apolonio Tobar (2019-2022) was harshly criticized by civil organizations, as they pointed out that in his management during the regime he did not behave independently, but rather praised security policies, being accused of omitting to speak out on the possible abuses that would be occurring in some penal centers that house detainees, as well as possible arbitrary detentions and human rights violations. They also question him when he gave recognition for his participation to the Minister of Security, Gustavo Villatoro, during the 1st Ibero-American Human Rights Summit in August 2022.[253]​[254]​[255]​[256]​[257]​.

Raquel Cabello, as attorney elected in 2022 to replace Apolonio Tobar for the period 2022-2025, has also been harshly criticized for following the same line as her predecessor. The MOVIR movement questioned that the head of the institution has not commented on the complaints of Human Rights violations, and that, instead, she has mentioned that all those captured, without exception, are gang members or collaborators of these groups.[258]​[259]​[260]​.

The Humanitarian Legal Aid organization urged the Human Rights Attorney to condemn the actions of the Executive, Legislative and Judicial of El Salvador during the emergency regime.[261]​.

On January 31, 2023, Nayib Bukele, together with his Security Cabinet, presented the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), a prison facility located in the municipality of Tecoluca, in the department of San Vicente "San Vicente (department El Salvador)"), with an area of ​​1.6 km² and capacity for 40,000 inmates. The penal center has, in addition to pavilions for confinement of prisoners, a building for guards, hearing rooms, punishment cells, factories for workshops, access control with a full body scanner and a package scanner.[262]​[263]​[264]​[265]​[266]​[267]​[268][269]​.

• - Government of Nayib Bukele.

• - Crime in El Salvador.

• - La Truce "La Truce (El Salvador)").

• - War against the gangs (Honduras) "War against the gangs (Honduras)").

• - War against gangs (Guatemala)&action=edit&redlink=1 "War against gangs (Guatemala) (not yet written)").