Phoenician Malaka

The urban structure prior to the Islamic settlement is little known. It has been speculated that Malaga is the location of the Greek colony of Mainake, although no reliable evidence has been found to support this thesis. However, vestiges of the Phoenician and Roman civilizations have been found. From what was the Phoenician colony of Mlk or Malaka, several sections of the defensive wall remain under the basements of some buildings in the historic center, specifically under the Picasso Málaga Museum and the old Post Office building "Casa de Correos y Telégrafos (Málaga)"), as well as remains of a sanctuary or temple on a site on Císter Street.[4]​.

According to data obtained from excavations, it is known that the Phoenician settlement extended approximately from the slope of Gibralfaro, to Císter Street and the gardens of Ibn Gabirol and to the south to the sea, which at the time reached the current building of the Rectorate of the University "Casa de Correos y Telégrafos (Málaga)").[5] The appearance of a Phoenician necropolis on Andrés Pérez Street has allowed these limits to be established, since that the Semitic peoples had the custom of locating cemeteries outside of populated areas, so the city of Malaka must have been restricted to the mentioned area. It was, therefore, a small town that lived facing the sea, so there has also been speculation about the possibility that it had some type of port facility or a simple breakwater, without any tangible remains having appeared.[6]​.

Roman Malacca

Of the Roman Malaca "Malaca (Hispania)") there is evidence that its extension was considerably greater than that of the Phoenician city, since the existence of a pottery industry is known in the area around the hill of El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)") and Ollerías Street in the 19th century.[5]​ The most visible remains are those of the Roman theater, located next to the citadel, as well as some remnants of the road system. and some large public baths in the area of Alcazabilla street towards Císter street.[7] Outside of this area, the structure and physiognomy of the Roman city is very little known. The existence of several funerary sectors has been confirmed on the outskirts of the ancient city, some of them located around communication routes, as established by the urban planning parameters of the Empire that the city adopted several generations after the arrival of the Latins.[8]​.

The ancient Phoenician colony will acquire an eccentric position with respect to the Roman city as it expands towards the north and west. The forum "Forum (architecture)") of the Roman city has not yet been identified. The possibility is being considered that it is located under the Customs Palace "Palacio de la Aduana (Málaga)") or Alcazabilla Street or, more improbably, in the area of ​​the Plaza de la Merced "Plaza de la Merced (Málaga)") or the Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)"). On the contrary, some areas have been identified where domestic functions prevailed. On the southern slope of Gibralfaro, the remains of a villa have been found in the current Puerta Oscura gardens and to the north of the Plaza de la Constitución, different samples of old homes have appeared, especially around the streets of Santa Lucía and San Telmo. The growth towards the north and west of the original Phoenician nucleus is also confirmed by the evolution of the funerary sites. Thus, the displacement of the necropolis on Beatas Street towards the southwest of it in the 19th century is observed, extending towards the area of ​​the Teatro Cervantes "Teatro Cervantes (Málaga)") and Calle Frailes in the late imperial era.[9]​.

Under Roman domination, Malacca continued with the production of preserves and salting, initiated by the Phoenicians, whose remains are spread throughout the hinterland of the city.[10]​ In the surroundings of Beatas Street, there was a salting factory with eight pools dating back to the end of the 19th century. The productive activity of this area was complemented by the ceramic kilns found on Calle Carretería and the associated garbage dump on Calle Álamos"), and expanded further north and west, towards Calle San Juan de Letrán and Calle de la Compañía "Calle de la Compañía (Málaga)").[9]​.

Regarding the defensive system, there is evidence of the layout of the late Roman wall, of which remains have survived under numbers 17 and 19 of Cortina del Muelle, along Molina Lario street and Plaza del Obispo "Plaza del Obispo (Málaga)") and Strachan street, as well as three points in the western sector of the old town. But the Roman city was not restricted to the fortified area. It extended outside the walls as indicated by some samples detected on Pozos Dulces Street, very close to the Guadalmedina riverbed.[9]​.

Byzantine and Visigothic Malacca

During the period of Byzantine domination, which began in the middle of the century, the structure of the Roman city was maintained. In the area of ​​Molina Lario and Strachan streets, the storage warehouses for products destined for export were located, coinciding with the coastline of the time, as has been known thanks to an anchorage discovered on Camas street. Remains of the Byzantine presence have also been detected on the other side of the Guadalmedina.[9]​.

With the arrival of the Visigoths and the general crisis in the Mediterranean, a period of feudalization began, brought about by the disappearance of the garum and growing insecurity. The population fled to the mountains en masse. With the abandonment of the city, the port disappeared around the century and it would not be until the arrival of the Arabs that Malaga recovered.

Contenido

En el año 743, los árabes entran en la ciudad, a la que llaman Mālaqa (مالقة). Su importancia entonces no es mayor que la de otros asentamientos vecinos como Bezmiliana o Archidona "Archidona (España)"), capital de la cora de Rayya, demarcación administrativa que se estableció en el territorio correspondiente a la actual provincia de Málaga. Con el establecimiento del Califato de Córdoba en 929 y ya como capital provincial, Mālaqa adquiere mayor importancia, que se incrementa bajo la dinastía de los Hammudíes, alcanzando su máxima expansión durante la época nazarí.[11]​.

Medina

The morphology of the Nasrid Mālaqa corresponds to the classic model of medieval Islamic urban planning, made up of the medina, the castle and the suburbs. The walled perimeter of this era surrounded what is currently considered the historic center "Historic Center (Málaga)"). The central axis of the medina linked the citadel with the Antequera Gate, connecting the Plaza de las Cuatro Calles (currently Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)"), the souk and the main mosque. The city is configured in transversal layouts to this central axis, highlighting the axis of Granada Street, which extended from the aforementioned square to the exit of the Camino Real de Granada, through the homonymous gate, and which concentrated several mosques and stately homes. The remaining road system was characterized by its sinuous layout of narrow streets, some of which have survived to this day, such as Ascanio Street.[12]​.

Alcazaba and castle

The citadel began to be built in 1065 by order of King Badis") and was expanded during the Nasrid period. It is located on the eastern side of the medina and is surrounded by three walls. The outer enclosure housed the parade ground and contained the entrances to the medina. In the inner enclosure were located the palatial quarters and a small neighborhood within the walls.[13] The citadel was connected to the Gibralfaro castle through a road. protected by a double wall or coracha, used to supply food to the soldiers. The castle acquired its definitive appearance during the reign of Yusuf I (1333-1354), although some of its parts date back to earlier times. It consists of two walled enclosures and two interior areas: the upper one, where the castle's mosque was located, a well of Phoenician origin, baths and the main tower in the lower area where the stables and residence were located; of the troops.[14]​.

Complementing the defensive system of the city there were a series of watchtowers scattered throughout the current municipal area and neighboring municipalities, of which the Prado tower"), also known as the Fajardo tower or the Campanillas tower, is located next to the Colmenarejo neighborhood; the Quirosa tower") or the Alhaja tower, in the Los Almendrales area; and the tower of the Verdiales"), in the area of ​​the same name. Of the towers of Cerrado de Calderón, San Telmo, San Isidro and del Río, only some remains remain. Other towers still standing are of Christian origin.[14]​.

Walls

The medina wall began to be built during the Caliphal era. It started from the citadel in a straight line to the gate of Granada, without enveloping the citadel. It continued along the south side of the Plaza de la Merced "Plaza de la Merced (Málaga)" and Calle Álamos"), from where the wall that surrounded the Fontanella suburb began. It continued along Puerta de San Buenaventura street, entrance to the aforementioned suburb, and Carretería street until the Antequera gate. From this point, the wall extended parallel to the Guadalmedina river until it joined the Atarazanas. It continued until the Genoveses castle, located in the current Plaza de la Marina, and along Cortina del Muelle until reaching the citadel again.[11]​.

The walled enclosure opened to the outside through several doors. The aforementioned gates of Granada (Bab al- Funtanalla), San Buenaventura and Antequera (Bab al- Jawja), located on the north side, the last being the main entrance to the city. On the side of the river the gate of the Bridge opened. To the south, the gates of the Sea (Bab al- Bahr), Baluarte, Espartería (Bab al- Faray) and the Seven Arches. And finally the Oscura and Caba gates, which connected the medina with the citadel.[11]​.

Suburbs

The entire urban area was surrounded by orchards and groves and two suburbs. In addition, some cemeteries, some Jewish quarters and foreign commercial establishments were also located outside, among which the Genoese one stood out, who had a castle next to the port since 1278. Merced "La Merced (Málaga)") and San Felipe Neri "San Felipe Neri (Málaga)") and almost all of La Goleta "La Goleta (Málaga)").[14]​ It was in turn protected by a smaller wall along its entire perimeter and dedicated to the manufacture of ceramics, as attested by the toponymy of some current streets, such as Ollerías Street.[11]​ As can be seen from the documents of the Repartimientos "Repartimiento" (Middle Ages)"), this suburb was made up of several areas, including other small suburbs such as the suburb of Puerta de Granada and the suburb of Puerta de Antequera, as well as an area of orchards and another for keeping livestock. In addition, it had all the services of the medina, such as mosques, baths and schools. Pottery activities, of Roman heritage, developed thanks to the availability of raw materials and abundance of water and expanded to the north and west of the suburb. The defensive wall had several towers and, possibly, two gates: the Alcohol gate, which connected the suburb with the Yabal Faruh cemetery, and another on Postigo de Juan Boyero street, towards the Casabermeja road.[14]​.

On the other side of the river, was the suburb of the merchants of La Paja or suburb of Attabanim, corresponding to the old neighborhood of El Perchel.[11] This suburb began to take shape during the Hammudí era, having previously been occupied by orchards and small structures for exploitation. The extension of the suburb has been confirmed to the north to La Trinidad street and to the south, to the beach, where remains of a wall have appeared. It had an orthogonal layout, with houses organized around patios with wells, and had supply and drainage channels, as well as mosques and bathrooms. The main activities corresponded to the dyeing and leather industry and agriculture. There is evidence of the existence of a royal residence from the Almohad period destroyed during the Castilian siege, called Qars al-Sayyid, and located next to the current Church of Santo Domingo "Church of the convent of Santo Domingo (Málaga)"), and the Zamarrilla tower, located on Mármoles street "Calle de los Mármoles (Málaga)").[14]

Under Castilian domination, the city experienced a change in uses and functions, but the modifications to the urban layout were very limited and were practically reduced to the opening of Calle Nueva "Calle Nueva (Málaga)"). Laid out in 1491, this road, narrow by current standards, was designed to facilitate the transit of goods between the Puerta del Mar, in the port, and the Puerta de Antequera, located to the northwest of the walled area, which constituted the main entrance for agricultural products from the inland orchards and around which the warehouses were located.[12]​.

With the change of administration, the mosques begin to be replaced by churches "Church (building)"). On the foundations of the main mosque, the construction of the Malaga Cathedral began, whose architect was Diego de Siloé. Churches and convents proliferate within the walled perimeter, such as those of San Juan "Iglesia de San Juan Bautista (Málaga)"), the Mártires "Iglesia de los Santos Mártires (Málaga)") and Santiago "Iglesia de Santiago Apóstol (Málaga)"). The first religious order that settled in Malaga was that of the Observants of San Francisco in 1489, under the patronage of the Catholic Monarchs. They founded a convent outside the city walls, next to the Guadalmedina, which they called San Luis el Real. This was followed by the convent of the Angels "Convento de los Ángeles (Málaga)"), also of the Franciscan order, and the convent of the Clarisas de la Concepción, built in 1505.[15]​.

Likewise, a series of religious orders erected their convents outside the walled area, giving rise to the establishment of radial communication routes from the city to the new convents. Two of these were built in the places where the camps of the Catholic Monarchs were set up during the siege of the city. The convent of the Trinity "Convento de La Trinidad (Málaga)") was located in the place where the camp of Isabel of Castile was, while the convent of Victoria was located in the former camp of Ferdinand of Aragon. The remaining convents that gave rise to the radial system of roads were the Capuchin convent&action=edit&redlink=1 "Convento de Capuchinos (Málaga) (not yet written)"), the convent of Santo Domingo "Iglesia de Santo Domingo de Guzmán (Málaga)") and the convent of San Andrés "Convento de San Andrés (Málaga)").[12]​.

With the passage of time, the churches and convents built outside the walled area begin to gather population, giving rise to the formation of new neighborhoods outside the walls that often took the name of these convents and churches, as is the case of the neighborhoods of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") or Capuchinos "Capuchins (Málaga)").[16] The expansion of the religious orders continued throughout the century and by the century, a third of the city was occupied. by religious institutions. There were then 15 convents or monasteries for men and 9 for women.[15] On the contrary, the only important civil buildings were the hospitals of San Juan de Dios, Santo Tomás&action=edit&redlink=1 "Hospital de Santo Tomás (Málaga) (not yet written)") and San Julián "Hospital de San Julián (Málaga)"), the Consulate, the Alhóndiga "Alhóndiga (building)") and the Cabildo House.[17]​.

A characteristic element of the Spanish cities of this era are the humiliadero or terminus crosses. In Malaga there were four of them, located in the confines of the city, at the exit of the royal roads. Of these, only the one in the Plaza de la Cruz del Humilladero is preserved, then located in the middle of an open field where the Cártama road and the Churriana road crossed. The remaining crosses were located on the royal road of Vélez-Málaga, in the so-called humiliation of La Caleta "La Caleta (Málaga)"); on the road to Granada, in the Huerta del Acíbar, next to the hill of El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)"); and in the Zamarrilla humiliation, in the current Mármoles street "Calle de los Mármoles (Málaga)"), the old Antequera road.[18]​.

Durante el siglo , la ciudad experimenta una fase de expansión económica y demográfica basada en el comercio portuario, especialmente intensa a partir de la tercera década del siglo. La ciudad se expande en varias direcciones, especialmente en las áreas de la playa de San Andrés, Capuchinos "Capuchinos (Málaga)"), La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") y La Caleta "La Caleta (Málaga)").[19]​ Con el cambio de dinastía en la corte, se introducen nuevos conceptos urbanísticos en España y surge una preocupación por el embellecimiento del entorno urbano que en Málaga se manifiesta en la creación de espacios amplios de formas geométricas y la proliferación de viviendas palaciegas. En esta época se construyen la Aduana "Palacio de la Aduana (Málaga)"), el Palacio Episcopal la plaza del Obispo y el edificio de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País "Casa del Consulado (Málaga)"), y comienza la paulatina demolición de las murallas.[20]​.

Creation of the Alameda

But the great project of this century was the creation of the Alameda "Alameda Principal (Málaga)"), a large tree-lined promenade between the old city and the Pescadería neighborhood of the port. It is contemporary with other large projects undertaken in Spain such as the Salón de Granada, the Apodaca in Cádiz, the Alameda de Hércules in Seville or the Paseo del Prado in Madrid. The project is due to the engineer López Mercader, who presented it in 1783. Originally, the project proposed a route parallel to the southern sector of the defensive wall, although it was later decided to demolish the walls to give greater width to the walk. The Alameda became the main meeting point of the society of the time and during the following century it was expanded and decorated with fountains, ponds and sculptures and the old castle of San Lorenzo, located next to the Guadalmedina, was demolished, giving rise to the opening of the perpendicular Alameda de Colón. The mercantile upper bourgeoisie, the so-called Alameda oligarchy, made it their place of residence, building their stately homes on both sides of the new axis.[12]​.

Great engineering works

Likewise, a series of engineering works were carried out that benefited the city, notably the channeling of the river and the expansion of the port. After a long period of cessation of work, Philip V in 1717 commissioned the Flemish engineer Bartolomé Thurus to prepare a project to expand the port, which would satisfy both the commercial and defense needs of the population. This project consisted of extending the Levante dock, adding a lantern at the end as it was then called, and the construction of a commercial dock called Muelle de Poniente, with a battery on the hills called Fort San Felipe. The works continue with intermittencies throughout the century. In 1775 the Atarazanas warehouses were expanded and a year later a Lazaretto was built.[19]​.

The prosperity and demographic expansion of the last quarter of the century increased the historical problem of water supply that became pressing after a period of drought. To solve this, the construction of an aqueduct was promoted that, taking water from the Guadalmedina River, brought it closer to the population in a route of almost 11 kilometers, through which it also provided the element for agricultural irrigation and driving force in the mills. A Royal Order of Carlos III in 1782 authorized the construction and on September 7, 1784, the water reached the main ark in Malaga located on Refino Street. The person in charge of the project and direction of the construction was the architect José Martín de Aldehuela, who made a work in addition to practicality and high technical interest, loaded with aesthetic intention, evident both in the nobility of the pure forms and in the use of different construction materials and the application, even, of colored plasters.[21]​.

The intense felling of trees in the Guadalmedina River basin starting in the second half of the century resulted in the permanent threat of flooding in the city, which throughout the century was very numerous. The floods of the Guadalmedina River were joined by those of the Barcenillas, La Manía, Calvario and Olletas streams in the area of ​​Victoria Street and Carretería Street, producing great tragedies. The flood of 1764 was especially dramatic and led to the implementation of projects that proposed the diversion of the Guadalmedina channel to the west, as well as the construction of retaining walls and other measures to contain the floods. The diversion was not carried out due to its high cost, however, retaining walls were built to protect the lower areas.[19]​.

Finally, it is worth mentioning the improvements undertaken on the main roads of the city. At this time the road from Málaga to Vélez-Málaga was especially important, since a large part of the raisins and wines that were exported through the port of Málaga came from Axarquía. Improvements were also made on the road to Torremolinos and an alternative route to the Antequera road was created, the so-called Colmenar road "Colmenar (Málaga)").[19]​.

En el siglo , se produce un crecimiento demográfico y una notable transformación morfológica y tipológica del centro histórico impulsada por las desamortizaciones y el desarrollo de la industria textil y metalúrgica. De esta época se conservan numerosas edificaciones y el eje principal del casco antiguo, calle Larios, proyectada por el ingeniero José María de Sancha. El diseño de los inmuebles que encierran la calle es obra de Eduardo Strachan Viana-Cárdenas, quien introdujo en la ciudad el estilo de la Escuela de Chicago "Escuela de Chicago (arquitectura)"), pero con el aire europeo de los bulevares de Haussmann.

Effects of confiscations

The incorporation into the real estate market of the large properties of religious institutions due to successive confiscations had a great effect on the road system of the historic center "Centro Historico (Málaga)") and the old suburb of Fontanalla, then called Barrio Alto. The new blocks required a road system that articulated them and integrated them into the rest of the urban fabric. The demolition of the Santa Clara convent in 1890 resulted in the opening of Molina Lario and Duque de la Victoria streets, as well as the new alignment of Santa María street and the creation of Plaza del Siglo. The convent of San Bernardo gave rise to the streets of Denis Belgrano, Niño de Guevara and Méndez Núñez, which opened in 1871. On the site of the convent of Santa María de la Paz, the Casas de Campos and the homonymous passage were built, forming the current northern façade of the Plaza de la Merced "Plaza de la Merced (Málaga)"), where Picasso's birthplace is located. In this same square, the demolition of the convent of La Merced allows the liberation of the entire area of ​​​​the Teatro Cervantes "Teatro Cervantes (Málaga)").[12]​.

In the western sector of the center, the convent of San Pedro de Alcántara gave rise in 1837 to the construction of the Plaza del Teatro and San Pedro de Alcántara and the widening of Calle Comedias. The demolition of the convent of San Francisco allowed the creation of the Plaza de San Francisco "Plaza de San Francisco (Málaga)") and the layout of the streets of Don Rodrigo, Cristos y Gigantes. Luis de Street Velásquez and the alignment of Calle del Ángel arose with the demolition of the convent of the Dominican Nuns of the Angel, and Calle Sánchez Pastor, with the demolition of the convent of the Carmelites. For its part, the convent of the barefoot Augustinian nuns gave rise to the Chinitas passage on one side of the Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)"), and the convent of the Capuchinas, on the street. Echegaray, opened in 1876.[12]​.

In the lots freed by the confiscations, a bourgeois, elegant and homogeneous architecture is developed, which even today characterizes a good part of the historic center. The large mansions of the aristocracy and the upper bourgeoisie, which settle in the eastern part of the city "East District (Málaga)"), are not built in these areas, but rather the petty bourgeoisie of an incipient 19th century middle class settle, with a preference for superb architecture of neoclassical inspiration. Generally, three-story buildings with ground floor and attic and rounded corners are built.[17]​.

Larios Street

A virulent cholera epidemic that occurred in 1833 once again highlighted the need to improve the sanitary conditions of the city center that had already manifested themselves in the last century (see: Cholera pandemics in Spain). The Ensanche plan of 1859 by the architect José Moreno Monroy) contemplated the opening of a large street from the Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)") to the Boquete del Muelle, located at the beginning of the current park, but the necessary financing was denied by the Central Government and it was not until 1878 when a new project by the engineer José María de Sancha proposed the opening of three new streets, one of which would be the future Larios street, which the municipal architect Joaquín de Rucoba was in charge of.[12]​[22]​.

That same year, the plan was approved by the city council, which resorted to the creation of a public limited company for its financing. However, the society was unable to carry out the project and in 1886, the Larios house took on the construction of the new street and the twelve blocks of buildings on its sides. The entire work was completed in 1891, just four years after the replacement of Casa Larios, and was finished with innovative details, such as a special wooden pavement that reduced the noise of horse carriages, which, however, disappeared due to the effects of the great flood of 1907.[12]​[22]​.

Impact of industrialization

The deployment of industrial activity that began with the installation of the La Constancia forge "La Constancia (forge)") in 1826 spread to other sectors, especially textiles and cotton, but also to spirits, chemicals, preserves, lithographs, soaps, etc. These new uses had their preferred area of ​​expansion on the right bank of the Guadalmedina, that is, to the west of the city, and determined the conversion of the old fishing neighborhood of El Perchel into a working-class neighborhood, from which new proletarian neighborhoods would extend westward. The neighborhood of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") also felt the effects of this phenomenon, although it maintained a more agricultural character with farmhouses such as Suárez "Suárez (Málaga)") or Gamarra "Gamarra (Málaga)").[17]​.

Although the city experienced this intense industrialization since the 1830s, it was not until the 1860s when the overcrowded conditions of the majority of the population made clear the need to extend the city beyond the traditional urban limits. The Expansion Plan of 1861 did not foresee hardly any new spaces for urbanization and did not resolve the tensions derived from a rapidly growing city. Around that time, seven metallurgical, textile and chemical factories were established in the western area, requiring the work of more than 4,000 workers daily. As the decade went by, the number of factories increased to twelve and consequently the number of workers who traveled to the area daily increased.[23]​.

The first working-class neighborhoods in the industrial zone consisted of the typical corralones "Corralón (architecture)") in which workers were crowded in extreme conditions, as was the case of the El Bulto neighborhood, promoted by Manuel Agustín Heredia in 1851. The first project to alleviate this situation came from the hand of the industrialist Eduardo Huelin Reissig, who presented in 1868 the project for the working-class neighborhood of Huelin in an area next to the factories, outside the planned expansions. The project aimed to establish cheap houses for the working class on a large scale, so a plan had to be drawn up for the construction of an entire new neighborhood. It was a revolutionary project and the designs for other neighborhoods such as La Pelusa, the expansion north of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") or north of El Molinillo "El Molinillo (Málaga)") were inspired by it.[23]

The project's objective was to improve the housing conditions of the workers, but also to eliminate the two places in which they socialized and where the ideas of the labor movement were propagated: the tavern and the courtyard of the corralón, considered as places inducing "deviant" behavior. In this way, a project of single-family homes is conceived, grouped in small blocks in whose corners the only two-story homes are placed, intended for the foremen. The project included a church, a dispensary and a school, in addition to more than 1,000 homes, being one of the largest projects of the time in the entire country.[23]​.

Ensanches

The new reform and expansion of the port brought with it the liberalization of extensive land in Plaza de la Marina, Cortina del Muelle street and Haza Baja de la Alcazaba, on which the extension of the Alameda to Paseo de la Farola was planned. The filling works began in 1897, with Malaga Park being configured in successive works[12]​ and in whose design architects such as Eduardo Strachan Viana-Cárdenas, Manuel Rivera Vera, Fernando Guerrero Strachan and Joaquín de Rucoba among others participated, the latter being the main designer.

Previously, in 1861, the first Malaga Expansion Plan was approved, by the architect José Moreno Monroy") and in 1892 another plan by Emilio de la Cerda or José María de Sancha, but neither would be executed during the 19th century, so it would not be until 1929 when the Malaga Expansion Plan by Daniel Rubio was drafted, which would give its definitive form to the Ensanche Heredia.

The new bourgeois neighborhoods

The expansion of the city towards the east is also a consequence of industrialization, but instead of large industrial facilities, the homes of the bourgeoisie who amassed great fortunes with the economic boom of the century are developed in this area. At the beginning of the century Theodore Reding continued the demolition of the walls that allowed the opening of the Reding promenade, which soon became the residential area of ​​the aristocracy. The opening in 1848 of the Vélez road, between the mountains of Gibralfaro and Sancha and the sea, made possible the construction of houses on its sides that gave rise to the appearance of the new neighborhoods of La Caleta "La Caleta (Málaga)"), El Limonar, Bellavista "Bellavista (Málaga)"), Miramar "Miramar (Málaga)"), etc., characterized by the preponderance of elegant villas surrounded of exuberant gardens, which continue to emerge during the following century.[17]​ The urbanization project was due to the engineer José María de Sancha, who built Villa Cele María for himself on the promenade that bears his name.[25]​.

Unlike the new constructions in the historic center, the homes in the eastern area are characterized by the decorative profusion and the variety of styles used: neo-baroque, neo-Mudejar, neo-Arabic, etc.[17]​ Over time, some of these homes were acquired by families from the interior, who used them as summer or winter residences, and the conversion of some of them into hotels began, turning the area into the preferred tourist spot in the city.[25]​.

Major Reform Plan

Generally, it is considered the beginning of modern urban planning in the city when global approaches to urban problems begin to be made and the aim is to control the growth of the city to a pre-established design. With the promulgation in 1924 of the Municipal Statute, large municipalities were obliged to draw up expansion plans, which in Malaga would give rise to the "Major Reforms Plan"), aimed at improving sanitation and sewage infrastructure, the reform of some streets in the historic center, the definition of new axes to the west of the river (over which new bridges were planned), as well as the realization of the Garden City "Barrio de Ciudad Jardín (Málaga)").[12]​.

The last two decades of the century and the first of the century were marked by a deep economic depression derived from the collapse of the large metallurgical and textile industries and the devastating plague of phylloxera. However, demographic pressure on the city continued and was even aggravated by the constant arrival of immigrants from rural areas, ruined by this plague. In this context, the housing policy of "cheap houses" for workers was promoted, whose precedent is found in the working-class neighborhood of América, built thanks to donations from the Argentine Republic on the occasion of the tragedy of the flood of 1907. With this policy, the working-class neighborhoods of Carmen and Misericordia were planned, the La Trinidad neighborhood "La Trinidad (Málaga)") was expanded, and the Victoria Eugenia neighborhoods "Victoria Eugenia" were built. (Málaga)") and Ciudad Jardín "Barrio de Ciudad Jardín (Málaga)"), inspired by Ebenezer Howard's Ciudad Jardín model.[26][27]​.

However, the cheap house projects did not cover all the demand and during the 1920s overcrowding increased in the neighborhoods of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)"), El Perchel and Capuchinos "Capuchinos (Málaga)"), new spontaneous nuclei appeared in the periphery, in Torremolinos and El Palo "El Palo (Málaga)"), and the phenomenon of shanty towns spread along Playa del Perro, Misericordia, Arenal de La Malagueta, Arroyo del Cuarto, El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)"), Mangas Verdes, etc.[26]​.

Blonde Plan

The 1924 plan was followed by Daniel Rubio's "Expansion Plan", approved in 1929, which incorporated considerations of modern urban planning, such as concerns about overcrowding and the purpose of controlling housing density. The plan provides precise data and urges the need to carry out the project, especially with regard to density, which, according to the plan, reached 302 inhabitants per hectare (663 in the Carmen district) compared to the 250 from Madrid and 110 from Barcelona.[28]​.

This plan introduces a road system based on radial and concentric streets[12]​ and proposes the extension of Calle Larios to the north, to El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)"), and the Alameda-Parque axis in both directions, crossing La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") to the west, and La Malagueta to the east, where it would link with the Paseo Marítimo. Likewise, it raises the need to protect the streets of historical-artistic interest and the planning of the neighborhoods of El Palo "El Palo (Málaga)") and Churriana. But the historical vicissitudes and tumultuous political events of the 1930s prevented the plan from being carried out. Not only was the situation unable to improve, but the effects of the Civil War, during which Málaga was successively bombed, significantly worsened the living conditions of the people of Málaga.[28]​.

The urbanism of autarky

In the 1940s, the exodus of the rural population to the city, added to the refusal of the authorities to allow emigration to other countries, resulted in a high growth of substandard housing and shanty towns, which spread across large areas of the city, occupying new spaces in the outskirts, such as Arroyo del Cuarto, and reaching almost to the center "Historic Center (Málaga)") in the 1950s.

The González Edo Plan was conceived to provide the city with infrastructure and maintain the urban characteristics of Málaga with the conservation of traditional neighborhoods and the containment of high-rise construction and the promotion of traditional single-family housing (the so-called casemates). It also incorporated some actions in the urban layout of the center designed in previous plans, such as the extension of Larios and Alameda streets, as well as the diversion of the Guadalmedina river bed.

During the period of validity of the plan, the neighborhood of Generalísimo Franco de Carranque "Carranque (Málaga)") (1950), the group of houses of the Canódromo#Arquitectura_y_urbanismo "Barrio de Ciudad Jardín (Málaga)") (1953), the neighborhood of Sixto "Sixto (Málaga)") (1954), the neighborhood of José Antonio Girón "Girón" were built (Málaga)") (1955), Santa Julia "Santa Julia (Málaga)") (1957), Portada Alta (1957), February 26 and December 4 "December 4 (Málaga)") (1959) and the housing groups of José Solís Ruiz "Dos Hermanas (Málaga)") (1960), Herrera Oria "Herrera Oria (Málaga)") (1962) and Virgen del Carmen "Sagrada Familia (Málaga)") (1964). All of them share the same ruralizing aesthetic principles and function as self-sufficient units, forming a new urban crown in the west of the city.[29]​.

However, with the beginning of developmentalism and the tourist boom in the region, the so-called national development plans took priority over urban plans at the state level, and the González Edo Plan was annulled by a ruling from the Supreme Court in 1964 due to the campaign of the lobby of real estate developers, who considered the plan contrary to their economic interests.

With the repeal of the plan, the city of Malaga faced the period of most intense population and urban growth in its history with a building ordinance of 1902 that gave full freedom of action to the developers, who were thus able to act without the intervention of public administrations.

The urbanism of developmentalism

Lack of planning and control, speculation "Speculation (economy)") and rapid growth are the main characteristics of the urban development of the second Franco stage. Since the tourism boom in the mid-1960s, the bulk of the promotion and management of new neighborhoods falls into the hands of private initiative. Although in some developments the Administration also collaborated, such as in the neighborhoods of Virreina, La Palmilla, Puerta Blanca or La Paz "La Paz (Málaga)"), the private sector was predominant, which frequently abandoned the projects once the homes were finished, ignoring the agreed equipment and infrastructure. In this way, the city grows irrationally, without any type of control by citizens or the Administration. Speculation was the common denominator of most of the new housing developments, which often far exceeded the established construction density, as is the case of Jardín de la Abadía, La Palma "La Palma (Málaga)") or San Andrés "San Andrés (Málaga)").[30]

Parallel to the construction of new overcrowded neighborhoods on the periphery, there is an accelerated deterioration of the most central neighborhoods, such as El Bulto or La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)"). In this area, one of the largest operations was the partial demolition of the historic neighborhood of El Perchel, rebuilt with large blocks that brought enormous benefits to the builders. The generalized situation of chaos becomes intolerable in some neighborhoods such as Nuevo San Andrés 1, Huelin or Suárez "Suárez (Málaga)") due to the lack of basic equipment such as electricity and water supply, sewage and sanitation networks, and unpaved roads that turn into mud in the rainy season. Many people from Malaga live in 19th-century shacks or corralones "Corralón (arquitectura)") in which families of 4 or 5 members are crammed into spaces of just 4 m², as is the case of El Bulto.[30]​.

A paradigmatic example is that of the Suárez neighborhood "Suárez (Málaga)"), whose project was to include 140,000 m² of green areas, but of which only 11,000 m² were built and without a single tree. The Administration not only turned a blind eye to the non-compliance of the private sector, but actively collaborated in favor of its interests, declaring the state of ruin of many properties in areas on which large-scale urban planning operations were planned.[30]​.

At the same time that this is happening, clandestine urbanizations proliferate in the suburbs (Campanillas, Churriana and Puerto de la Torre) and self-construction neighborhoods such as Mangas Verdes. In this context, starting in 1974, neighborhood associations began to emerge, some of which found obstacles to their legalization.

Tras la derogación del Plan González Edo, no fue hasta 1971 cuando se aprobó un nuevo plan. Fue este un plan expansivo y desarrollista, que tras ocho años de vigencia no resolvió los agudos problemas urbanos de la ciudad, debido a su debilidad controladora, fruto de la coyuntura político-económica de la etapa predemocrática.[31]​.

PGOU of 1983

A new plan came into force in 1983. This plan analyzes the problems inherited after 20 years of vertiginous growth, pointing out as the main problems the decomposition of the urban fabric into disjointed pieces due to the enormous deficiency of the road system, the congestion and segregation of numerous pockets lacking essential equipment, the exorbitant use of land, the destruction of heritage and the degradation of the urban landscape, the dismantling of industrial space in favor of residential space and the new exodus. towards the periphery of the middle classes, with the consequent abandonment and aging of the old town.[31]​.

Given this situation, the plan focuses on solving the problems identified through general re-equipment, land zoning, completion and rationalization of the road system and the introduction of heritage protection measures. The 1983 PGOU was written by Salvador Moreno Peralta, José Seguí") and Damián Quero and obtained the National Urban Planning Award and was the first carried out by a democratic council in a city of more than one hundred thousand inhabitants in Spain.[32]​.

Rehabilitation of the historic center

One of the main concerns of the 1983 plan was the rehabilitation of the historic center, for which specific regulations were introduced to regulate the conditions of planning, construction, use of buildings, permitted heights, etc., as well as another regulation that establishes two levels of protection for protected buildings. Furthermore, two years after the approval of this plan, the processing begins for the declaration of the historic center as an asset of cultural interest "Asset of cultural interest (Spain), so according to the Spanish Heritage Law"), the municipality is obliged to carry out a special protection plan for the area. Thus, in 1988 the Special Plan for Protection and Interior Reform (PEPRI) was approved.[33]​.

PGOU of 1996 and beginning of metropolitan planning

These objectives are maintained in the General Urban Planning Plan of 1996, which also develops new metropolitan-oriented projects such as the expansion of the University City or the creation of the Andalusian Technology Park and accelerates the rehabilitation of the historic center "Historic Center (Málaga)"),[31]​ which had a high level of urban deterioration.[2]​ A year earlier, in 1995, the first planning instrument on a metropolitan scale was drafted: the Planning Plan. of the Territory of the Urban Agglomeration of Málaga and begins the construction of a series of public parks such as Huelin Park, Parque del Norte and Parque del Oeste "Parque del Oeste (Málaga)").

The real estate boom of 1997-2007

Between 1997 and 2007, construction activity in Malaga was of great intensity and presented the same characteristics as the real estate boom experienced in almost all of Spain, but above all, on the Mediterranean coast. The increase in demand for housing was the decisive factor for the real estate development of this period, which was also favored by the demographic increase produced by immigration, a political climate favorable to unlimited growth and a majority citizenry convinced of the apparent benefits of developmentalism.[34]​.

The urban growth of the city in the decade from 2000-2010 was spectacular. During this decade, 96,346 new buildings were added, meaning that in 2010 more than 25% of all existing buildings were 10 years old or less. This dizzying growth was only surpassed in Spain by Murcia, placing Malaga ahead of much larger cities such as Madrid, Barcelona or Valencia.[35]​.

According to a 2008 study, Malaga has a proportion of 9.2 m² of green spaces per inhabitant, which represents half of what is recommended by European Union directives. Of these, 53% correspond to areas with less than 1,500 m², that is, squares and small squares. The neighborhoods of the Carretera de Cádiz district, Cruz del Humilladero, Carranque "Carranque (Málaga)") and other neighborhoods in the western zone, as well as La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)"), Carlinda and Miraflores de los Ángeles are some of the neighborhoods that register the lowest ratios of green areas per citizen. On the opposite side are the peripheral districts of Campanillas, Churriana and Puerto de la Torre and the eastern coast "East District (Málaga)"), in which the proportion even exceeds the recommended values, reaching 30 m² per neighbor. In the Center the ratio is 13 m² per neighbor.[36]​.

PGOU of 2011

This new plan includes significant actions, such as the so-called Repsol Plan,[37]​ that will stand out within the gradual development of the city in the coming years.

Likewise, an initiative of citizen origin has been carried out for the creation of a cultural district or Soho of Málaga "Soho (Málaga)") in the Ensanche area of ​​the center "Ensanche Centro (Málaga)"), inspired by the style of the neighborhoods of the same name in London and New York. It entails actions of a regenerative nature and improvements to public space.[38]​.

The European Commission has selected the city of Malaga for inclusion among the good urban development practices that have received Urban Funds in the period 2007-2013. Together with San Sebastián, they are the only large Spanish cities chosen.[39]​.

• - 20th century architecture in Malaga.

• - Guadalmedina Plan.

• - Repsol Plan.

• - Urban Planning Law of Andalusia.

• - Urban planning in Spain.

• - Demographics of Malaga.

• - Mª Eugenia Candau, José Ignacio Díaz Pardo and Francisco Rodríguez Marín: Málaga Architecture Guide. Builingue Ed. [1st Ed.] - Seville: Department of Public Works and Transport, Málaga - College of Architects, 2005.

• - Rafael Reinoso Bellido, Alfredo Rubio and Jorge Dragón: The cheap houses of Málaga, 1911-1936. 16d Editores, Málaga 2010. ISBN 978-84-614-4329-1.

• - Urban Environment Observatory: Málaga '05, Agenda 21, towards the sustainable city.

Phoenician Malaka

The urban structure prior to the Islamic settlement is little known. It has been speculated that Malaga is the location of the Greek colony of Mainake, although no reliable evidence has been found to support this thesis. However, vestiges of the Phoenician and Roman civilizations have been found. From what was the Phoenician colony of Mlk or Malaka, several sections of the defensive wall remain under the basements of some buildings in the historic center, specifically under the Picasso Málaga Museum and the old Post Office building "Casa de Correos y Telégrafos (Málaga)"), as well as remains of a sanctuary or temple on a site on Císter Street.[4]​.

According to data obtained from excavations, it is known that the Phoenician settlement extended approximately from the slope of Gibralfaro, to Císter Street and the gardens of Ibn Gabirol and to the south to the sea, which at the time reached the current building of the Rectorate of the University "Casa de Correos y Telégrafos (Málaga)").[5] The appearance of a Phoenician necropolis on Andrés Pérez Street has allowed these limits to be established, since that the Semitic peoples had the custom of locating cemeteries outside of populated areas, so the city of Malaka must have been restricted to the mentioned area. It was, therefore, a small town that lived facing the sea, so there has also been speculation about the possibility that it had some type of port facility or a simple breakwater, without any tangible remains having appeared.[6]​.

Roman Malacca

Of the Roman Malaca "Malaca (Hispania)") there is evidence that its extension was considerably greater than that of the Phoenician city, since the existence of a pottery industry is known in the area around the hill of El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)") and Ollerías Street in the 19th century.[5]​ The most visible remains are those of the Roman theater, located next to the citadel, as well as some remnants of the road system. and some large public baths in the area of Alcazabilla street towards Císter street.[7] Outside of this area, the structure and physiognomy of the Roman city is very little known. The existence of several funerary sectors has been confirmed on the outskirts of the ancient city, some of them located around communication routes, as established by the urban planning parameters of the Empire that the city adopted several generations after the arrival of the Latins.[8]​.

The ancient Phoenician colony will acquire an eccentric position with respect to the Roman city as it expands towards the north and west. The forum "Forum (architecture)") of the Roman city has not yet been identified. The possibility is being considered that it is located under the Customs Palace "Palacio de la Aduana (Málaga)") or Alcazabilla Street or, more improbably, in the area of ​​the Plaza de la Merced "Plaza de la Merced (Málaga)") or the Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)"). On the contrary, some areas have been identified where domestic functions prevailed. On the southern slope of Gibralfaro, the remains of a villa have been found in the current Puerta Oscura gardens and to the north of the Plaza de la Constitución, different samples of old homes have appeared, especially around the streets of Santa Lucía and San Telmo. The growth towards the north and west of the original Phoenician nucleus is also confirmed by the evolution of the funerary sites. Thus, the displacement of the necropolis on Beatas Street towards the southwest of it in the 19th century is observed, extending towards the area of ​​the Teatro Cervantes "Teatro Cervantes (Málaga)") and Calle Frailes in the late imperial era.[9]​.

Under Roman domination, Malacca continued with the production of preserves and salting, initiated by the Phoenicians, whose remains are spread throughout the hinterland of the city.[10]​ In the surroundings of Beatas Street, there was a salting factory with eight pools dating back to the end of the 19th century. The productive activity of this area was complemented by the ceramic kilns found on Calle Carretería and the associated garbage dump on Calle Álamos"), and expanded further north and west, towards Calle San Juan de Letrán and Calle de la Compañía "Calle de la Compañía (Málaga)").[9]​.

Regarding the defensive system, there is evidence of the layout of the late Roman wall, of which remains have survived under numbers 17 and 19 of Cortina del Muelle, along Molina Lario street and Plaza del Obispo "Plaza del Obispo (Málaga)") and Strachan street, as well as three points in the western sector of the old town. But the Roman city was not restricted to the fortified area. It extended outside the walls as indicated by some samples detected on Pozos Dulces Street, very close to the Guadalmedina riverbed.[9]​.

Byzantine and Visigothic Malacca

During the period of Byzantine domination, which began in the middle of the century, the structure of the Roman city was maintained. In the area of ​​Molina Lario and Strachan streets, the storage warehouses for products destined for export were located, coinciding with the coastline of the time, as has been known thanks to an anchorage discovered on Camas street. Remains of the Byzantine presence have also been detected on the other side of the Guadalmedina.[9]​.

With the arrival of the Visigoths and the general crisis in the Mediterranean, a period of feudalization began, brought about by the disappearance of the garum and growing insecurity. The population fled to the mountains en masse. With the abandonment of the city, the port disappeared around the century and it would not be until the arrival of the Arabs that Malaga recovered.

Contenido

En el año 743, los árabes entran en la ciudad, a la que llaman Mālaqa (مالقة). Su importancia entonces no es mayor que la de otros asentamientos vecinos como Bezmiliana o Archidona "Archidona (España)"), capital de la cora de Rayya, demarcación administrativa que se estableció en el territorio correspondiente a la actual provincia de Málaga. Con el establecimiento del Califato de Córdoba en 929 y ya como capital provincial, Mālaqa adquiere mayor importancia, que se incrementa bajo la dinastía de los Hammudíes, alcanzando su máxima expansión durante la época nazarí.[11]​.

Medina

The morphology of the Nasrid Mālaqa corresponds to the classic model of medieval Islamic urban planning, made up of the medina, the castle and the suburbs. The walled perimeter of this era surrounded what is currently considered the historic center "Historic Center (Málaga)"). The central axis of the medina linked the citadel with the Antequera Gate, connecting the Plaza de las Cuatro Calles (currently Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)"), the souk and the main mosque. The city is configured in transversal layouts to this central axis, highlighting the axis of Granada Street, which extended from the aforementioned square to the exit of the Camino Real de Granada, through the homonymous gate, and which concentrated several mosques and stately homes. The remaining road system was characterized by its sinuous layout of narrow streets, some of which have survived to this day, such as Ascanio Street.[12]​.

Alcazaba and castle

The citadel began to be built in 1065 by order of King Badis") and was expanded during the Nasrid period. It is located on the eastern side of the medina and is surrounded by three walls. The outer enclosure housed the parade ground and contained the entrances to the medina. In the inner enclosure were located the palatial quarters and a small neighborhood within the walls.[13] The citadel was connected to the Gibralfaro castle through a road. protected by a double wall or coracha, used to supply food to the soldiers. The castle acquired its definitive appearance during the reign of Yusuf I (1333-1354), although some of its parts date back to earlier times. It consists of two walled enclosures and two interior areas: the upper one, where the castle's mosque was located, a well of Phoenician origin, baths and the main tower in the lower area where the stables and residence were located; of the troops.[14]​.

Complementing the defensive system of the city there were a series of watchtowers scattered throughout the current municipal area and neighboring municipalities, of which the Prado tower"), also known as the Fajardo tower or the Campanillas tower, is located next to the Colmenarejo neighborhood; the Quirosa tower") or the Alhaja tower, in the Los Almendrales area; and the tower of the Verdiales"), in the area of ​​the same name. Of the towers of Cerrado de Calderón, San Telmo, San Isidro and del Río, only some remains remain. Other towers still standing are of Christian origin.[14]​.

Walls

The medina wall began to be built during the Caliphal era. It started from the citadel in a straight line to the gate of Granada, without enveloping the citadel. It continued along the south side of the Plaza de la Merced "Plaza de la Merced (Málaga)" and Calle Álamos"), from where the wall that surrounded the Fontanella suburb began. It continued along Puerta de San Buenaventura street, entrance to the aforementioned suburb, and Carretería street until the Antequera gate. From this point, the wall extended parallel to the Guadalmedina river until it joined the Atarazanas. It continued until the Genoveses castle, located in the current Plaza de la Marina, and along Cortina del Muelle until reaching the citadel again.[11]​.

The walled enclosure opened to the outside through several doors. The aforementioned gates of Granada (Bab al- Funtanalla), San Buenaventura and Antequera (Bab al- Jawja), located on the north side, the last being the main entrance to the city. On the side of the river the gate of the Bridge opened. To the south, the gates of the Sea (Bab al- Bahr), Baluarte, Espartería (Bab al- Faray) and the Seven Arches. And finally the Oscura and Caba gates, which connected the medina with the citadel.[11]​.

Suburbs

The entire urban area was surrounded by orchards and groves and two suburbs. In addition, some cemeteries, some Jewish quarters and foreign commercial establishments were also located outside, among which the Genoese one stood out, who had a castle next to the port since 1278. Merced "La Merced (Málaga)") and San Felipe Neri "San Felipe Neri (Málaga)") and almost all of La Goleta "La Goleta (Málaga)").[14]​ It was in turn protected by a smaller wall along its entire perimeter and dedicated to the manufacture of ceramics, as attested by the toponymy of some current streets, such as Ollerías Street.[11]​ As can be seen from the documents of the Repartimientos "Repartimiento" (Middle Ages)"), this suburb was made up of several areas, including other small suburbs such as the suburb of Puerta de Granada and the suburb of Puerta de Antequera, as well as an area of orchards and another for keeping livestock. In addition, it had all the services of the medina, such as mosques, baths and schools. Pottery activities, of Roman heritage, developed thanks to the availability of raw materials and abundance of water and expanded to the north and west of the suburb. The defensive wall had several towers and, possibly, two gates: the Alcohol gate, which connected the suburb with the Yabal Faruh cemetery, and another on Postigo de Juan Boyero street, towards the Casabermeja road.[14]​.

On the other side of the river, was the suburb of the merchants of La Paja or suburb of Attabanim, corresponding to the old neighborhood of El Perchel.[11] This suburb began to take shape during the Hammudí era, having previously been occupied by orchards and small structures for exploitation. The extension of the suburb has been confirmed to the north to La Trinidad street and to the south, to the beach, where remains of a wall have appeared. It had an orthogonal layout, with houses organized around patios with wells, and had supply and drainage channels, as well as mosques and bathrooms. The main activities corresponded to the dyeing and leather industry and agriculture. There is evidence of the existence of a royal residence from the Almohad period destroyed during the Castilian siege, called Qars al-Sayyid, and located next to the current Church of Santo Domingo "Church of the convent of Santo Domingo (Málaga)"), and the Zamarrilla tower, located on Mármoles street "Calle de los Mármoles (Málaga)").[14]

Under Castilian domination, the city experienced a change in uses and functions, but the modifications to the urban layout were very limited and were practically reduced to the opening of Calle Nueva "Calle Nueva (Málaga)"). Laid out in 1491, this road, narrow by current standards, was designed to facilitate the transit of goods between the Puerta del Mar, in the port, and the Puerta de Antequera, located to the northwest of the walled area, which constituted the main entrance for agricultural products from the inland orchards and around which the warehouses were located.[12]​.

With the change of administration, the mosques begin to be replaced by churches "Church (building)"). On the foundations of the main mosque, the construction of the Malaga Cathedral began, whose architect was Diego de Siloé. Churches and convents proliferate within the walled perimeter, such as those of San Juan "Iglesia de San Juan Bautista (Málaga)"), the Mártires "Iglesia de los Santos Mártires (Málaga)") and Santiago "Iglesia de Santiago Apóstol (Málaga)"). The first religious order that settled in Malaga was that of the Observants of San Francisco in 1489, under the patronage of the Catholic Monarchs. They founded a convent outside the city walls, next to the Guadalmedina, which they called San Luis el Real. This was followed by the convent of the Angels "Convento de los Ángeles (Málaga)"), also of the Franciscan order, and the convent of the Clarisas de la Concepción, built in 1505.[15]​.

Likewise, a series of religious orders erected their convents outside the walled area, giving rise to the establishment of radial communication routes from the city to the new convents. Two of these were built in the places where the camps of the Catholic Monarchs were set up during the siege of the city. The convent of the Trinity "Convento de La Trinidad (Málaga)") was located in the place where the camp of Isabel of Castile was, while the convent of Victoria was located in the former camp of Ferdinand of Aragon. The remaining convents that gave rise to the radial system of roads were the Capuchin convent&action=edit&redlink=1 "Convento de Capuchinos (Málaga) (not yet written)"), the convent of Santo Domingo "Iglesia de Santo Domingo de Guzmán (Málaga)") and the convent of San Andrés "Convento de San Andrés (Málaga)").[12]​.

With the passage of time, the churches and convents built outside the walled area begin to gather population, giving rise to the formation of new neighborhoods outside the walls that often took the name of these convents and churches, as is the case of the neighborhoods of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") or Capuchinos "Capuchins (Málaga)").[16] The expansion of the religious orders continued throughout the century and by the century, a third of the city was occupied. by religious institutions. There were then 15 convents or monasteries for men and 9 for women.[15] On the contrary, the only important civil buildings were the hospitals of San Juan de Dios, Santo Tomás&action=edit&redlink=1 "Hospital de Santo Tomás (Málaga) (not yet written)") and San Julián "Hospital de San Julián (Málaga)"), the Consulate, the Alhóndiga "Alhóndiga (building)") and the Cabildo House.[17]​.

A characteristic element of the Spanish cities of this era are the humiliadero or terminus crosses. In Malaga there were four of them, located in the confines of the city, at the exit of the royal roads. Of these, only the one in the Plaza de la Cruz del Humilladero is preserved, then located in the middle of an open field where the Cártama road and the Churriana road crossed. The remaining crosses were located on the royal road of Vélez-Málaga, in the so-called humiliation of La Caleta "La Caleta (Málaga)"); on the road to Granada, in the Huerta del Acíbar, next to the hill of El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)"); and in the Zamarrilla humiliation, in the current Mármoles street "Calle de los Mármoles (Málaga)"), the old Antequera road.[18]​.

Durante el siglo , la ciudad experimenta una fase de expansión económica y demográfica basada en el comercio portuario, especialmente intensa a partir de la tercera década del siglo. La ciudad se expande en varias direcciones, especialmente en las áreas de la playa de San Andrés, Capuchinos "Capuchinos (Málaga)"), La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") y La Caleta "La Caleta (Málaga)").[19]​ Con el cambio de dinastía en la corte, se introducen nuevos conceptos urbanísticos en España y surge una preocupación por el embellecimiento del entorno urbano que en Málaga se manifiesta en la creación de espacios amplios de formas geométricas y la proliferación de viviendas palaciegas. En esta época se construyen la Aduana "Palacio de la Aduana (Málaga)"), el Palacio Episcopal la plaza del Obispo y el edificio de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País "Casa del Consulado (Málaga)"), y comienza la paulatina demolición de las murallas.[20]​.

Creation of the Alameda

But the great project of this century was the creation of the Alameda "Alameda Principal (Málaga)"), a large tree-lined promenade between the old city and the Pescadería neighborhood of the port. It is contemporary with other large projects undertaken in Spain such as the Salón de Granada, the Apodaca in Cádiz, the Alameda de Hércules in Seville or the Paseo del Prado in Madrid. The project is due to the engineer López Mercader, who presented it in 1783. Originally, the project proposed a route parallel to the southern sector of the defensive wall, although it was later decided to demolish the walls to give greater width to the walk. The Alameda became the main meeting point of the society of the time and during the following century it was expanded and decorated with fountains, ponds and sculptures and the old castle of San Lorenzo, located next to the Guadalmedina, was demolished, giving rise to the opening of the perpendicular Alameda de Colón. The mercantile upper bourgeoisie, the so-called Alameda oligarchy, made it their place of residence, building their stately homes on both sides of the new axis.[12]​.

Great engineering works

Likewise, a series of engineering works were carried out that benefited the city, notably the channeling of the river and the expansion of the port. After a long period of cessation of work, Philip V in 1717 commissioned the Flemish engineer Bartolomé Thurus to prepare a project to expand the port, which would satisfy both the commercial and defense needs of the population. This project consisted of extending the Levante dock, adding a lantern at the end as it was then called, and the construction of a commercial dock called Muelle de Poniente, with a battery on the hills called Fort San Felipe. The works continue with intermittencies throughout the century. In 1775 the Atarazanas warehouses were expanded and a year later a Lazaretto was built.[19]​.

The prosperity and demographic expansion of the last quarter of the century increased the historical problem of water supply that became pressing after a period of drought. To solve this, the construction of an aqueduct was promoted that, taking water from the Guadalmedina River, brought it closer to the population in a route of almost 11 kilometers, through which it also provided the element for agricultural irrigation and driving force in the mills. A Royal Order of Carlos III in 1782 authorized the construction and on September 7, 1784, the water reached the main ark in Malaga located on Refino Street. The person in charge of the project and direction of the construction was the architect José Martín de Aldehuela, who made a work in addition to practicality and high technical interest, loaded with aesthetic intention, evident both in the nobility of the pure forms and in the use of different construction materials and the application, even, of colored plasters.[21]​.

The intense felling of trees in the Guadalmedina River basin starting in the second half of the century resulted in the permanent threat of flooding in the city, which throughout the century was very numerous. The floods of the Guadalmedina River were joined by those of the Barcenillas, La Manía, Calvario and Olletas streams in the area of ​​Victoria Street and Carretería Street, producing great tragedies. The flood of 1764 was especially dramatic and led to the implementation of projects that proposed the diversion of the Guadalmedina channel to the west, as well as the construction of retaining walls and other measures to contain the floods. The diversion was not carried out due to its high cost, however, retaining walls were built to protect the lower areas.[19]​.

Finally, it is worth mentioning the improvements undertaken on the main roads of the city. At this time the road from Málaga to Vélez-Málaga was especially important, since a large part of the raisins and wines that were exported through the port of Málaga came from Axarquía. Improvements were also made on the road to Torremolinos and an alternative route to the Antequera road was created, the so-called Colmenar road "Colmenar (Málaga)").[19]​.

En el siglo , se produce un crecimiento demográfico y una notable transformación morfológica y tipológica del centro histórico impulsada por las desamortizaciones y el desarrollo de la industria textil y metalúrgica. De esta época se conservan numerosas edificaciones y el eje principal del casco antiguo, calle Larios, proyectada por el ingeniero José María de Sancha. El diseño de los inmuebles que encierran la calle es obra de Eduardo Strachan Viana-Cárdenas, quien introdujo en la ciudad el estilo de la Escuela de Chicago "Escuela de Chicago (arquitectura)"), pero con el aire europeo de los bulevares de Haussmann.

Effects of confiscations

The incorporation into the real estate market of the large properties of religious institutions due to successive confiscations had a great effect on the road system of the historic center "Centro Historico (Málaga)") and the old suburb of Fontanalla, then called Barrio Alto. The new blocks required a road system that articulated them and integrated them into the rest of the urban fabric. The demolition of the Santa Clara convent in 1890 resulted in the opening of Molina Lario and Duque de la Victoria streets, as well as the new alignment of Santa María street and the creation of Plaza del Siglo. The convent of San Bernardo gave rise to the streets of Denis Belgrano, Niño de Guevara and Méndez Núñez, which opened in 1871. On the site of the convent of Santa María de la Paz, the Casas de Campos and the homonymous passage were built, forming the current northern façade of the Plaza de la Merced "Plaza de la Merced (Málaga)"), where Picasso's birthplace is located. In this same square, the demolition of the convent of La Merced allows the liberation of the entire area of ​​​​the Teatro Cervantes "Teatro Cervantes (Málaga)").[12]​.

In the western sector of the center, the convent of San Pedro de Alcántara gave rise in 1837 to the construction of the Plaza del Teatro and San Pedro de Alcántara and the widening of Calle Comedias. The demolition of the convent of San Francisco allowed the creation of the Plaza de San Francisco "Plaza de San Francisco (Málaga)") and the layout of the streets of Don Rodrigo, Cristos y Gigantes. Luis de Street Velásquez and the alignment of Calle del Ángel arose with the demolition of the convent of the Dominican Nuns of the Angel, and Calle Sánchez Pastor, with the demolition of the convent of the Carmelites. For its part, the convent of the barefoot Augustinian nuns gave rise to the Chinitas passage on one side of the Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)"), and the convent of the Capuchinas, on the street. Echegaray, opened in 1876.[12]​.

In the lots freed by the confiscations, a bourgeois, elegant and homogeneous architecture is developed, which even today characterizes a good part of the historic center. The large mansions of the aristocracy and the upper bourgeoisie, which settle in the eastern part of the city "East District (Málaga)"), are not built in these areas, but rather the petty bourgeoisie of an incipient 19th century middle class settle, with a preference for superb architecture of neoclassical inspiration. Generally, three-story buildings with ground floor and attic and rounded corners are built.[17]​.

Larios Street

A virulent cholera epidemic that occurred in 1833 once again highlighted the need to improve the sanitary conditions of the city center that had already manifested themselves in the last century (see: Cholera pandemics in Spain). The Ensanche plan of 1859 by the architect José Moreno Monroy) contemplated the opening of a large street from the Plaza de la Constitución "Plaza de la Constitución (Málaga)") to the Boquete del Muelle, located at the beginning of the current park, but the necessary financing was denied by the Central Government and it was not until 1878 when a new project by the engineer José María de Sancha proposed the opening of three new streets, one of which would be the future Larios street, which the municipal architect Joaquín de Rucoba was in charge of.[12]​[22]​.

That same year, the plan was approved by the city council, which resorted to the creation of a public limited company for its financing. However, the society was unable to carry out the project and in 1886, the Larios house took on the construction of the new street and the twelve blocks of buildings on its sides. The entire work was completed in 1891, just four years after the replacement of Casa Larios, and was finished with innovative details, such as a special wooden pavement that reduced the noise of horse carriages, which, however, disappeared due to the effects of the great flood of 1907.[12]​[22]​.

Impact of industrialization

The deployment of industrial activity that began with the installation of the La Constancia forge "La Constancia (forge)") in 1826 spread to other sectors, especially textiles and cotton, but also to spirits, chemicals, preserves, lithographs, soaps, etc. These new uses had their preferred area of ​​expansion on the right bank of the Guadalmedina, that is, to the west of the city, and determined the conversion of the old fishing neighborhood of El Perchel into a working-class neighborhood, from which new proletarian neighborhoods would extend westward. The neighborhood of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") also felt the effects of this phenomenon, although it maintained a more agricultural character with farmhouses such as Suárez "Suárez (Málaga)") or Gamarra "Gamarra (Málaga)").[17]​.

Although the city experienced this intense industrialization since the 1830s, it was not until the 1860s when the overcrowded conditions of the majority of the population made clear the need to extend the city beyond the traditional urban limits. The Expansion Plan of 1861 did not foresee hardly any new spaces for urbanization and did not resolve the tensions derived from a rapidly growing city. Around that time, seven metallurgical, textile and chemical factories were established in the western area, requiring the work of more than 4,000 workers daily. As the decade went by, the number of factories increased to twelve and consequently the number of workers who traveled to the area daily increased.[23]​.

The first working-class neighborhoods in the industrial zone consisted of the typical corralones "Corralón (architecture)") in which workers were crowded in extreme conditions, as was the case of the El Bulto neighborhood, promoted by Manuel Agustín Heredia in 1851. The first project to alleviate this situation came from the hand of the industrialist Eduardo Huelin Reissig, who presented in 1868 the project for the working-class neighborhood of Huelin in an area next to the factories, outside the planned expansions. The project aimed to establish cheap houses for the working class on a large scale, so a plan had to be drawn up for the construction of an entire new neighborhood. It was a revolutionary project and the designs for other neighborhoods such as La Pelusa, the expansion north of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") or north of El Molinillo "El Molinillo (Málaga)") were inspired by it.[23]

The project's objective was to improve the housing conditions of the workers, but also to eliminate the two places in which they socialized and where the ideas of the labor movement were propagated: the tavern and the courtyard of the corralón, considered as places inducing "deviant" behavior. In this way, a project of single-family homes is conceived, grouped in small blocks in whose corners the only two-story homes are placed, intended for the foremen. The project included a church, a dispensary and a school, in addition to more than 1,000 homes, being one of the largest projects of the time in the entire country.[23]​.

Ensanches

The new reform and expansion of the port brought with it the liberalization of extensive land in Plaza de la Marina, Cortina del Muelle street and Haza Baja de la Alcazaba, on which the extension of the Alameda to Paseo de la Farola was planned. The filling works began in 1897, with Malaga Park being configured in successive works[12]​ and in whose design architects such as Eduardo Strachan Viana-Cárdenas, Manuel Rivera Vera, Fernando Guerrero Strachan and Joaquín de Rucoba among others participated, the latter being the main designer.

Previously, in 1861, the first Malaga Expansion Plan was approved, by the architect José Moreno Monroy") and in 1892 another plan by Emilio de la Cerda or José María de Sancha, but neither would be executed during the 19th century, so it would not be until 1929 when the Malaga Expansion Plan by Daniel Rubio was drafted, which would give its definitive form to the Ensanche Heredia.

The new bourgeois neighborhoods

The expansion of the city towards the east is also a consequence of industrialization, but instead of large industrial facilities, the homes of the bourgeoisie who amassed great fortunes with the economic boom of the century are developed in this area. At the beginning of the century Theodore Reding continued the demolition of the walls that allowed the opening of the Reding promenade, which soon became the residential area of ​​the aristocracy. The opening in 1848 of the Vélez road, between the mountains of Gibralfaro and Sancha and the sea, made possible the construction of houses on its sides that gave rise to the appearance of the new neighborhoods of La Caleta "La Caleta (Málaga)"), El Limonar, Bellavista "Bellavista (Málaga)"), Miramar "Miramar (Málaga)"), etc., characterized by the preponderance of elegant villas surrounded of exuberant gardens, which continue to emerge during the following century.[17]​ The urbanization project was due to the engineer José María de Sancha, who built Villa Cele María for himself on the promenade that bears his name.[25]​.

Unlike the new constructions in the historic center, the homes in the eastern area are characterized by the decorative profusion and the variety of styles used: neo-baroque, neo-Mudejar, neo-Arabic, etc.[17]​ Over time, some of these homes were acquired by families from the interior, who used them as summer or winter residences, and the conversion of some of them into hotels began, turning the area into the preferred tourist spot in the city.[25]​.

Major Reform Plan

Generally, it is considered the beginning of modern urban planning in the city when global approaches to urban problems begin to be made and the aim is to control the growth of the city to a pre-established design. With the promulgation in 1924 of the Municipal Statute, large municipalities were obliged to draw up expansion plans, which in Malaga would give rise to the "Major Reforms Plan"), aimed at improving sanitation and sewage infrastructure, the reform of some streets in the historic center, the definition of new axes to the west of the river (over which new bridges were planned), as well as the realization of the Garden City "Barrio de Ciudad Jardín (Málaga)").[12]​.

The last two decades of the century and the first of the century were marked by a deep economic depression derived from the collapse of the large metallurgical and textile industries and the devastating plague of phylloxera. However, demographic pressure on the city continued and was even aggravated by the constant arrival of immigrants from rural areas, ruined by this plague. In this context, the housing policy of "cheap houses" for workers was promoted, whose precedent is found in the working-class neighborhood of América, built thanks to donations from the Argentine Republic on the occasion of the tragedy of the flood of 1907. With this policy, the working-class neighborhoods of Carmen and Misericordia were planned, the La Trinidad neighborhood "La Trinidad (Málaga)") was expanded, and the Victoria Eugenia neighborhoods "Victoria Eugenia" were built. (Málaga)") and Ciudad Jardín "Barrio de Ciudad Jardín (Málaga)"), inspired by Ebenezer Howard's Ciudad Jardín model.[26][27]​.

However, the cheap house projects did not cover all the demand and during the 1920s overcrowding increased in the neighborhoods of La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)"), El Perchel and Capuchinos "Capuchinos (Málaga)"), new spontaneous nuclei appeared in the periphery, in Torremolinos and El Palo "El Palo (Málaga)"), and the phenomenon of shanty towns spread along Playa del Perro, Misericordia, Arenal de La Malagueta, Arroyo del Cuarto, El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)"), Mangas Verdes, etc.[26]​.

Blonde Plan

The 1924 plan was followed by Daniel Rubio's "Expansion Plan", approved in 1929, which incorporated considerations of modern urban planning, such as concerns about overcrowding and the purpose of controlling housing density. The plan provides precise data and urges the need to carry out the project, especially with regard to density, which, according to the plan, reached 302 inhabitants per hectare (663 in the Carmen district) compared to the 250 from Madrid and 110 from Barcelona.[28]​.

This plan introduces a road system based on radial and concentric streets[12]​ and proposes the extension of Calle Larios to the north, to El Ejido "El Ejido (Málaga)"), and the Alameda-Parque axis in both directions, crossing La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)") to the west, and La Malagueta to the east, where it would link with the Paseo Marítimo. Likewise, it raises the need to protect the streets of historical-artistic interest and the planning of the neighborhoods of El Palo "El Palo (Málaga)") and Churriana. But the historical vicissitudes and tumultuous political events of the 1930s prevented the plan from being carried out. Not only was the situation unable to improve, but the effects of the Civil War, during which Málaga was successively bombed, significantly worsened the living conditions of the people of Málaga.[28]​.

The urbanism of autarky

In the 1940s, the exodus of the rural population to the city, added to the refusal of the authorities to allow emigration to other countries, resulted in a high growth of substandard housing and shanty towns, which spread across large areas of the city, occupying new spaces in the outskirts, such as Arroyo del Cuarto, and reaching almost to the center "Historic Center (Málaga)") in the 1950s.

The González Edo Plan was conceived to provide the city with infrastructure and maintain the urban characteristics of Málaga with the conservation of traditional neighborhoods and the containment of high-rise construction and the promotion of traditional single-family housing (the so-called casemates). It also incorporated some actions in the urban layout of the center designed in previous plans, such as the extension of Larios and Alameda streets, as well as the diversion of the Guadalmedina river bed.

During the period of validity of the plan, the neighborhood of Generalísimo Franco de Carranque "Carranque (Málaga)") (1950), the group of houses of the Canódromo#Arquitectura_y_urbanismo "Barrio de Ciudad Jardín (Málaga)") (1953), the neighborhood of Sixto "Sixto (Málaga)") (1954), the neighborhood of José Antonio Girón "Girón" were built (Málaga)") (1955), Santa Julia "Santa Julia (Málaga)") (1957), Portada Alta (1957), February 26 and December 4 "December 4 (Málaga)") (1959) and the housing groups of José Solís Ruiz "Dos Hermanas (Málaga)") (1960), Herrera Oria "Herrera Oria (Málaga)") (1962) and Virgen del Carmen "Sagrada Familia (Málaga)") (1964). All of them share the same ruralizing aesthetic principles and function as self-sufficient units, forming a new urban crown in the west of the city.[29]​.

However, with the beginning of developmentalism and the tourist boom in the region, the so-called national development plans took priority over urban plans at the state level, and the González Edo Plan was annulled by a ruling from the Supreme Court in 1964 due to the campaign of the lobby of real estate developers, who considered the plan contrary to their economic interests.

With the repeal of the plan, the city of Malaga faced the period of most intense population and urban growth in its history with a building ordinance of 1902 that gave full freedom of action to the developers, who were thus able to act without the intervention of public administrations.

The urbanism of developmentalism

Lack of planning and control, speculation "Speculation (economy)") and rapid growth are the main characteristics of the urban development of the second Franco stage. Since the tourism boom in the mid-1960s, the bulk of the promotion and management of new neighborhoods falls into the hands of private initiative. Although in some developments the Administration also collaborated, such as in the neighborhoods of Virreina, La Palmilla, Puerta Blanca or La Paz "La Paz (Málaga)"), the private sector was predominant, which frequently abandoned the projects once the homes were finished, ignoring the agreed equipment and infrastructure. In this way, the city grows irrationally, without any type of control by citizens or the Administration. Speculation was the common denominator of most of the new housing developments, which often far exceeded the established construction density, as is the case of Jardín de la Abadía, La Palma "La Palma (Málaga)") or San Andrés "San Andrés (Málaga)").[30]

Parallel to the construction of new overcrowded neighborhoods on the periphery, there is an accelerated deterioration of the most central neighborhoods, such as El Bulto or La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)"). In this area, one of the largest operations was the partial demolition of the historic neighborhood of El Perchel, rebuilt with large blocks that brought enormous benefits to the builders. The generalized situation of chaos becomes intolerable in some neighborhoods such as Nuevo San Andrés 1, Huelin or Suárez "Suárez (Málaga)") due to the lack of basic equipment such as electricity and water supply, sewage and sanitation networks, and unpaved roads that turn into mud in the rainy season. Many people from Malaga live in 19th-century shacks or corralones "Corralón (arquitectura)") in which families of 4 or 5 members are crammed into spaces of just 4 m², as is the case of El Bulto.[30]​.

A paradigmatic example is that of the Suárez neighborhood "Suárez (Málaga)"), whose project was to include 140,000 m² of green areas, but of which only 11,000 m² were built and without a single tree. The Administration not only turned a blind eye to the non-compliance of the private sector, but actively collaborated in favor of its interests, declaring the state of ruin of many properties in areas on which large-scale urban planning operations were planned.[30]​.

At the same time that this is happening, clandestine urbanizations proliferate in the suburbs (Campanillas, Churriana and Puerto de la Torre) and self-construction neighborhoods such as Mangas Verdes. In this context, starting in 1974, neighborhood associations began to emerge, some of which found obstacles to their legalization.

Tras la derogación del Plan González Edo, no fue hasta 1971 cuando se aprobó un nuevo plan. Fue este un plan expansivo y desarrollista, que tras ocho años de vigencia no resolvió los agudos problemas urbanos de la ciudad, debido a su debilidad controladora, fruto de la coyuntura político-económica de la etapa predemocrática.[31]​.

PGOU of 1983

A new plan came into force in 1983. This plan analyzes the problems inherited after 20 years of vertiginous growth, pointing out as the main problems the decomposition of the urban fabric into disjointed pieces due to the enormous deficiency of the road system, the congestion and segregation of numerous pockets lacking essential equipment, the exorbitant use of land, the destruction of heritage and the degradation of the urban landscape, the dismantling of industrial space in favor of residential space and the new exodus. towards the periphery of the middle classes, with the consequent abandonment and aging of the old town.[31]​.

Given this situation, the plan focuses on solving the problems identified through general re-equipment, land zoning, completion and rationalization of the road system and the introduction of heritage protection measures. The 1983 PGOU was written by Salvador Moreno Peralta, José Seguí") and Damián Quero and obtained the National Urban Planning Award and was the first carried out by a democratic council in a city of more than one hundred thousand inhabitants in Spain.[32]​.

Rehabilitation of the historic center

One of the main concerns of the 1983 plan was the rehabilitation of the historic center, for which specific regulations were introduced to regulate the conditions of planning, construction, use of buildings, permitted heights, etc., as well as another regulation that establishes two levels of protection for protected buildings. Furthermore, two years after the approval of this plan, the processing begins for the declaration of the historic center as an asset of cultural interest "Asset of cultural interest (Spain), so according to the Spanish Heritage Law"), the municipality is obliged to carry out a special protection plan for the area. Thus, in 1988 the Special Plan for Protection and Interior Reform (PEPRI) was approved.[33]​.

PGOU of 1996 and beginning of metropolitan planning

These objectives are maintained in the General Urban Planning Plan of 1996, which also develops new metropolitan-oriented projects such as the expansion of the University City or the creation of the Andalusian Technology Park and accelerates the rehabilitation of the historic center "Historic Center (Málaga)"),[31]​ which had a high level of urban deterioration.[2]​ A year earlier, in 1995, the first planning instrument on a metropolitan scale was drafted: the Planning Plan. of the Territory of the Urban Agglomeration of Málaga and begins the construction of a series of public parks such as Huelin Park, Parque del Norte and Parque del Oeste "Parque del Oeste (Málaga)").

The real estate boom of 1997-2007

Between 1997 and 2007, construction activity in Malaga was of great intensity and presented the same characteristics as the real estate boom experienced in almost all of Spain, but above all, on the Mediterranean coast. The increase in demand for housing was the decisive factor for the real estate development of this period, which was also favored by the demographic increase produced by immigration, a political climate favorable to unlimited growth and a majority citizenry convinced of the apparent benefits of developmentalism.[34]​.

The urban growth of the city in the decade from 2000-2010 was spectacular. During this decade, 96,346 new buildings were added, meaning that in 2010 more than 25% of all existing buildings were 10 years old or less. This dizzying growth was only surpassed in Spain by Murcia, placing Malaga ahead of much larger cities such as Madrid, Barcelona or Valencia.[35]​.

According to a 2008 study, Malaga has a proportion of 9.2 m² of green spaces per inhabitant, which represents half of what is recommended by European Union directives. Of these, 53% correspond to areas with less than 1,500 m², that is, squares and small squares. The neighborhoods of the Carretera de Cádiz district, Cruz del Humilladero, Carranque "Carranque (Málaga)") and other neighborhoods in the western zone, as well as La Trinidad "La Trinidad (Málaga)"), Carlinda and Miraflores de los Ángeles are some of the neighborhoods that register the lowest ratios of green areas per citizen. On the opposite side are the peripheral districts of Campanillas, Churriana and Puerto de la Torre and the eastern coast "East District (Málaga)"), in which the proportion even exceeds the recommended values, reaching 30 m² per neighbor. In the Center the ratio is 13 m² per neighbor.[36]​.

PGOU of 2011

This new plan includes significant actions, such as the so-called Repsol Plan,[37]​ that will stand out within the gradual development of the city in the coming years.

Likewise, an initiative of citizen origin has been carried out for the creation of a cultural district or Soho of Málaga "Soho (Málaga)") in the Ensanche area of ​​the center "Ensanche Centro (Málaga)"), inspired by the style of the neighborhoods of the same name in London and New York. It entails actions of a regenerative nature and improvements to public space.[38]​.

The European Commission has selected the city of Malaga for inclusion among the good urban development practices that have received Urban Funds in the period 2007-2013. Together with San Sebastián, they are the only large Spanish cities chosen.[39]​.

• - 20th century architecture in Malaga.

• - Guadalmedina Plan.

• - Repsol Plan.

• - Urban Planning Law of Andalusia.

• - Urban planning in Spain.

• - Demographics of Malaga.

• - Mª Eugenia Candau, José Ignacio Díaz Pardo and Francisco Rodríguez Marín: Málaga Architecture Guide. Builingue Ed. [1st Ed.] - Seville: Department of Public Works and Transport, Málaga - College of Architects, 2005.

• - Rafael Reinoso Bellido, Alfredo Rubio and Jorge Dragón: The cheap houses of Málaga, 1911-1936. 16d Editores, Málaga 2010. ISBN 978-84-614-4329-1.

• - Urban Environment Observatory: Málaga '05, Agenda 21, towards the sustainable city.