• - La plataforma en la zona que va desde cabo Vidio hasta la desembocadura del río Miño, es más ancha y uniforme. La anchura máxima, de 80 km, se alcanza frente a La Coruña, mientras que frente a cabo Ortegal se reduce hasta los 30 km.[1]​.

Al ser un mar muy abierto al océano, tiene características diferentes a otros mares más cerrados. Su fondo marino es desigual: cerca de las costas españolas es más profundo y desciende rápido, mientras que junto a las costas francesas es necesario penetrar muchos kilómetros mar adentro, para encontrar profundidades de más de 1000 m.[9]​.

El fondo marino se divide en unidades por la presencia de montes y bancos submarinos, así como de profundos cañones submarinos. Entre los cañones más característicos de esta zona destacan los sistemas de Capbreton"), Santander "Santander (España)"), Torrelavega, Llanes, Lastres y Avilés. Algunos de estos desfiladeros son muy pronunciados, como el de Capbreton, donde la cabeza del cañón se encuentra a menos de 200 m de la orilla y el fondo marino desciende 1000 m a menos de 3 km de la costa, alcanzando la zona batial de más de 2000 m y llegando a ser uno de los más profundos del mundo.[1]​[10]​ Su elevada pendiente hace que se produzcan avalanchas submarinas, como la generada por la tormenta Martin") el 27 de diciembre de 1999, cuyo depósitos sedimentarios se localizaron a 600 m de profundidad. Es probable que tales aludes submarinos fuesen muy frecuentes durante la última desglaciación pirenaica (hace 18000-15000 años).[10]​.

• - La primera se extiende desde la desembocadura del río Bidasoa hasta el cabo Vidio, y se caracteriza por tener una orientación Norte-Sur y ser extremadamente estrecha, con una pendiente poco acusada y afectada por floraciones rocosas a menor escala. A lo largo de la costa cantábrica la plataforma se puede reducir hasta menos de 10 km (8 km frente al cabo de Ajo) ensanchándose hacia el oeste. El talud continental, una zona de transición entre la plataforma y la profundidad del mar, es muy pronunciado con una pendiente de alrededor de 10-12 %, cayendo hasta los 4000 m de profundidad y está cruzado por numerosos cañones.[1]​.

• - La plataforma en la zona que va desde cabo Vidio hasta la desembocadura del río Miño, es más ancha y uniforme. La anchura máxima, de 80 km, se alcanza frente a La Coruña, mientras que frente a cabo Ortegal se reduce hasta los 30 km.[1]​.

Al ser un mar muy abierto al océano, tiene características diferentes a otros mares más cerrados. Su fondo marino es desigual: cerca de las costas españolas es más profundo y desciende rápido, mientras que junto a las costas francesas es necesario penetrar muchos kilómetros mar adentro, para encontrar profundidades de más de 1000 m.[9]​.

El fondo marino se divide en unidades por la presencia de montes y bancos submarinos, así como de profundos cañones submarinos. Entre los cañones más característicos de esta zona destacan los sistemas de Capbreton"), Santander "Santander (España)"), Torrelavega, Llanes, Lastres y Avilés. Algunos de estos desfiladeros son muy pronunciados, como el de Capbreton, donde la cabeza del cañón se encuentra a menos de 200 m de la orilla y el fondo marino desciende 1000 m a menos de 3 km de la costa, alcanzando la zona batial de más de 2000 m y llegando a ser uno de los más profundos del mundo.[1]​[10]​ Su elevada pendiente hace que se produzcan avalanchas submarinas, como la generada por la tormenta Martin") el 27 de diciembre de 1999, cuyo depósitos sedimentarios se localizaron a 600 m de profundidad. Es probable que tales aludes submarinos fuesen muy frecuentes durante la última desglaciación pirenaica (hace 18000-15000 años).[10]​.

However, there are factors that work against the theory that Bronze Age navigators used leather boats, such as the enormous cost of covering the hull with skins, or the need to make landfalls to let the leather dry and waterproof it again (which seriously limits the distances and duration of the journeys).[54]​.

There is evidence of monoxillary canoes for river navigation, which makes it logical to think that wooden boats, but with suitable characteristics, were also used for oceanic navigation. Bronze.[57]​.

New archaeological finds have revealed the connections between the Celtic peoples of the north of the Iberian Peninsula and the Atlantic European world during the first millennium BC. C.[61]​[57]​ Research in the field of genetics also demonstrates the existence of maritime contacts beyond the Cantabrian coasts.[62]​.

The typology of manufacturing and its technological characteristics generate notable similarities along the Cantabrian slope with the regions bordering the Atlantic, from the south of the British Isles to the western façade of the Iberian Peninsula. This phenomenon gives rise to the cultural identity known as Atlantic Bronze"), which replicates, on a certain scale, the commercial circuits observed in the Mediterranean.[55]​.

Finds such as the Cabárceno cauldron in Cantabria, similar to those found near Battersea (London) or Dublin (Ireland), or the Moñes diadem in Asturias, with representations of Irish and Welsh Celtic mythology, seem to show that maritime trade exchanges existed at least 600 years before the arrival of the Romans between the inhabitants of the northern part of the Peninsula and those of the European Atlantic zone.[55][63]​.

During the pre-Roman period, the Trasmontana population reached a certain level of development and, faced with the food problem, the solution consisted of coming into contact with the Aquitaine area. In the middle of the century BC. C. the interrelation with said territory seemed to have already reached a certain consistency.[50]​.

There is evidence of contacts with Mediterranean sailors, probably interested in the gold and tin trade. Petroglyphs such as Borna") (Monte Faro de Domaio, Vigo) or Laxe Auga dos Cebros") (Santa María de Oia "Oia (Pontevedra)"), Pontevedra) seem to document the arrival of these first ships. central and elevated bow and stern.[67]​.

These commercial expeditions followed the so-called tin route. The Tartessian, Phoenician or Carthaginian ships sailed along the Atlantic coast, going up the Lusitanian coast, doubling the Finis Terrae and, following the Cantabrian and Aquitaine coast, they finally arrived at the Cassiterides (or Oestrímnidas) islands, from where they obtained this precious metal.[55][68][69]​.

Rufo Festo Avieno, in his Ora maritima, used very ancient sources such as the Massaliota journey. In it, he locates the Cantabrian coast between Cape Venus (probably Cape Higuer) and Cape Aryium (Ortegal). According to the poem, this area was presumably occupied by the pre-Roman people of the Dragans), who inhabited "the snowy north", identified with the Picos de Europa, easily distinguishable in coastal navigation.[70]​.

During this period navigation would be non-instrumental, based on the observation of natural phenomena such as winds, currents and tides; the movement of stars and planets; or the use of animals for maritime orientation such as birds.[54][71]​.

Seasonality was crucial. The end of spring and the entire summer season would be the only period suitable for long coastal and deep-sea navigation. During the rest of the year the trips would cover short distances, dedicated mainly to fishing, and never far from the coast.

On the coasts of northwestern Europe, storms of force 7 are eight times more frequent in winter, and the average number of days with rough seas is four times greater than in summer. Therefore, the most prudent thing for the navigators of the Metal Age was to make their trips in summer. It has been estimated that a frame boat could withstand storms of force 5 (fresh breeze of 20 knots), and a leather boat could even handle a storm of grade 6 (22 to 27 knots).[60]​.

In the time of Julius Caesar, the sea journey from Brittany to northern Galicia usually lasted about three days.[56] The Atlantic ships of that time sailed and used square sails, very similar to those of the Nordic ships of later centuries. This crossing time coincides with what Strabo tells about the Greek navigator Pytheas, who also took three days to go from the Galician coast to Cape Finisterre, in Brittany.[77] In general, navigation was faster from the north of Europe to the south, since in the Cantabrian Sea the north and northwest winds predominate, which favored the course of those ships that only had sails. square.[56][note 4]​.

Archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic finds have shed light on the port network and communications in the area, which were part of an integrated Atlantic economy.

Archaeological data indicate that the chronological evolution of the Cantabrian ports presents notable similarities. Thus, no data supports their existence during the turbulent period of the Cantabrian Wars and the immediate aftermath.[51]​ However, there must have been the availability of a port infrastructure capable of hosting the landing of the classis Aquitanica") mentioned by Orosio, probably at a time when land routes were formally non-existent and transport by sea was cheaper and faster.[50]​[74]​.

It would not be until the time of Tiberius, from the year 14 to , when the beginning of a confirmed commercial activity can be established.[51] During the period of the Julio-Claudian dynasty (from 27 to ) the growth of enclaves such as Gijón, a Romanized indigenous settlement, and the appearance of others of lesser importance will take place.

However, it was not until the Flavian emperors that the definitive articulation of the Cantabrian ports took place, with the takeoff or consolidation of settlements such as Flavium Brigantium"), Noega, Portus Amanum-Flaviobriga, Oiasso and Portus Victoriae. These were strategic locations chosen either because they were located sheltered from the north and northwest winds, or because they were important connections with Roman roads that gave access inside.[51]​.

A set of main ports, secondary ports and vicus (coastal settlements) will configure the Cantabrian route as support points for deep-sea navigation and cabotage, intended for the repair of boats and the supply of provisions.[50]​[78]​.

Although we do not have enough information to establish a clear hierarchy, it is known that Flavium Brigantium") (La Coruña) and Flaviobriga (Castro Urdiales), which acquired the status of municipium and colony respectively during the Flavian dynasty (from 69 to ) had a higher legal-administrative category. On the other hand, archaeological evidence highlights the importance of Oiasso (Irun) in the region.[74]​.

During the century AD. C. all the mentioned ports would enjoy their maximum splendor. After the deep imperial crisis of the century, a recovery occurred at the beginning of the century, in which an increase in the import of foreign products was seen.[51]​.

The Roman presence in the north has gone from being considered marginal to recognizing a much higher level of Romanization. The discoveries support the existence of an Atlantic economic space, autonomous from the control of Rome and the Mediterranean, characterized by free trade.[74]​.

The intense navigability of this Sinus Aquitanus (Bay of Biscay) appears confirmed by literary sources and archaeological evidence, as a large number of Roman remains and even shipwrecks have been attested, concentrating especially in the area of ​​Fuenterrabía and Cape Higuer.[note 5]​[79]​[80]​.

These data, together with the Cantabrian iron trade and the finds of South Gallic terra sigillata, suggest the possible existence of a maritime trade route that linked the entire Cantabrian Sea with Burdigala (present-day Bordeaux), and from here, a waterway along the Garonne River and the Midi plain, to Narbo Martius (present-day Narbonne) with access to the Mediterranean Sea.[81]​.

The Aquitaine region would be one of the great granaries of the Roman world. Already during the Cantabrian Wars Strabo points out how the Romans supplied wheat and other provisions from Aquitania.[82]​ The commercial genesis of the Cantabrian ports would follow an expansion from east to west, taking into account the chronology of materials in Oiasso and Flaviobriga, places near Burdigala.[51]​.

This interrelation had different consequences:

• - The eastern half (Cantabria and Vasconia) dispensed with developing its own large agrarian system due to its immediacy to the supplying granary of Aquitaine.

• - The western half (Galicia and Asturias), conditioned by distance, was forced to develop on the coast itself a vilaria system of certain importance on which agricultural production fell.

The interrelation was established to such an extent that in imperial times the Sinus Aquitanus functioned as an authentic "Roman lake."[50] According to Pliny in the century BC. C. the Cantabrian Sea had become a transit sea between the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean: ships leaving from Gades and the Pillars of Hercules could sail throughout the West around Hispania and Gaul.[83][56]​.

Under the reign of Alfonso XI, the navy of Castile became a respectable force. The important naval fleet that emerged in the middle of the century on the coast of the Cantabrian Sea expanded throughout the European Atlantic arc. This expansion continued to grow and consolidate, until it became a dominant power in the Atlantic waters during the following centuries.[96]​ During this century La Rochelle, the main French port in the Bay of Biscay, was already frequented by ships that made the Atlantic route to England and Flanders.[97]​.

At this time, powerful confederations of port towns in the Cantabrian Sea emerged, such as the Brotherhood of the Four Towns or the Brotherhood of the Marismas, which formed a first-rate maritime power at the service of the Crown of Castile, maintaining autonomy in their international commercial relations.[52] The ports of the Brotherhood became important centers of maritime trade or naval arsenals, being a fundamental piece of the kingdom's economy. Slowly at its beginnings at the end of the century and at greater speed since the end of the century, a trade route was created with great effort that in a transversal direction linked the Cantabrian ports with those of the North Sea.[97]​.

From Cantabrian ports, regular routes were opened to Mediterranean and North Sea ports, and the high-water fisheries were visited on an annual basis in the Gran Sol fishing ground (in the Northeast Atlantic) or the Canary Islands, where ships ventured to capture economically advantageous pelagic species.[98]​.

Over the centuries, the small Cantabrian gauged ports continued to affirm their presence in the maritime arc that spanned from the western Mediterranean to the North Sea. Already in 1304, the Florentine chronicler Giovanni Villani evidenced the important change in maritime trade in the Western Middle Ages and one of the great events of the maritime life of the Tyrrhenian era: the union of the two key commercial areas, the Atlantic and the Mediterranean.[99]​[100]​.

The end of the Middle Ages began to notice a timid but growing presence of ships from the Castilian coastal ports of the Cantabrian-Atlantic coast that ventured into the Mediterranean. They followed the opposite path that the Genoese and Mallorcans had already been preparing a few years before with their activities in northern Europe.[100]​.

This change in maritime trade had a profound impact on the economy and commercial relations of the time and would not have been possible without the long process of creation and consolidation of a coastal urban network in the Cantabrian Sea. The population of these towns found in their nautical vocation the basis of their rapid economic prosperity and the active participation of their vessels in European commercial circuits, first in the Atlantic area and later, during the 19th century, expanding towards the western Mediterranean.[100] The main Cantabrian ports would confirm a maritime power with a hegemonic aspect, capable of acting as an arbiter between the other maritime nations during the Hundred Years' War and stopping conflicts. expansive pretensions of an entity as powerful as the Hanseatic League.[98]​.

Throughout the Middle Ages, commercial traffic between the ports of the Celtic Sea was frequently interrupted by wars and conflicts, sometimes only maintained between certain towns or cities, and which nourished and increased the corsair traditions of the local seafaring populations. Castellanos and French on one side and English on the other fought in a give and take that conditioned maritime traffic in the English Channel and the Bay of Biscay, claiming numerous ships from both sides. On the Castilian side, it is worth highlighting the sackings of Walsingham, Isle of Wight, Dover "Dover (Kent)"), Rye "Rye (Eastern Sussex)"), Portsmouth, Plymouth and the taking of Roche-Guyon in the Seine estuary. In 1380, a Castilian fleet under the command of Fernando Sánchez de Tovar sailed up the River Thames, daring to disembark in Gravesend, a few kilometers from London. On the English side, the corsair Arripaye") transported pilgrims with license to Santiago de Compostela and on the return voyage he filled the holds, plundering the coasts of Castile and France, even burning Gijón and sacking Finisterre "Finisterre (Spain)").[92][102] In response in the year 1405, Pero Niño captained a combined Castilian and French fleet that completely destroyed Poole, home port of the English privateer. In his particular revenge, the Englishman led a fleet of 15 ships through the English Channel in 1407, capturing numerous Castilian and French cargo ships.[103]

The important fleets necessary to sustain all this maritime activity were designed to navigate the difficult waters of the European Atlantic coast. This gave rise to a shipyard activity along the bays and inlets of the Cantabrian coast in which the traditional construction techniques of medieval sailing ships were refined, incorporating new technologies that would allow high-altitude voyages to be carried out and achieve the Renaissance geographical expansion of later centuries. All this in addition to the hand of a school of skilled sailors and pilots born in the aforementioned towns and hardened in the complicated Atlantic waters.[98]​.

This naval power remained with certain ups and downs during the century, laying the necessary foundations, in terms of sailors, ships and nautical knowledge, to achieve the feat of Discovery.[104]​.

Fishing became a fundamental economic activity for the communities dependent on the Cantabrian Sea, especially the capture of whales, which are now extinct in the region. During the Late Middle Ages, whaling began in these waters. Normally the abadengo places in the Cantabrian Sea were the ones that had rights over these fisheries, almost always reserving a part of the animal.[105]​ Thus, right whale hunting became widespread among the ports of the Basque Country, Cantabria, Asturias and Galicia, whose activity marked the customs and personality of many of these populations over the centuries. The French geographer André Thevet alludes to the flourishing whaling industry in the Bay of Biscay in the century :[106]​.

The right whale moves in shallow waters near the coast, approaching bays and inlets, which favored its hunting and exploitation. In the eastern Atlantic this species migrated in winter to waters located between the Azores and Madeira archipelagos, the Bay of Biscay and the coasts of Western Sahara. In summer they moved to the seas between Iceland, Svalbard and the coasts of Norway.[107]​.

The first documentary record of whale hunting in the Cantabrian Sea comes from the French Basque Country (Bayonne "Bayonne (France)") and corresponds to the year 1059, followed by one from Santoña, dated 1190 and another from Motrico from 1200.[107]​[108]​ In Asturias the first known document is dated 1232 and in Galicia the first mention whaling dates back to the year 1371.[107] Although there is archaeological evidence of the use of bone remains of the gray whale species in pre-Roman times in the fort "Castro (fortification)") of Campa Torres (Gijón) in the century BC. C. or a. C., it cannot be assured that they were actively hunted or rather that their use came from occasional strandings, so whaling on the Cantabrian coasts during the Ancient Age is not proven.[note 6]​

[107]​

[109]​.

From the whale, saín or blubber was mainly obtained, intended for lighting, and baleen, a material appreciated for its flexibility, products that, because they were not perishable, could be transported to the interior of the Iberian Peninsula at a time when, as already mentioned, the routes through the Cantabrian Mountains were complicated. The meat was barely consumed in Spain and was exported to the French Basque Country preserved in brine.[107]​.

Historians place the peak of whaling in the Cantabrian Sea between the 19th and 18th centuries.[107]​ During the early times, the different coastal populations built watchtowers "Watchtower (construction)") from which they could monitor the sea and watch the whales' snorts during the breeding season, between October and March.[111]​

Hunting was carried out from pinnaces "Pinaza (ship's boat)") or longboats with about eight components, including rowers, harpooner and helmsman. After being harpooned, the whale fled by diving into the depths of the sea, dragging the fragile boat to which it was attached by a rope, in a dangerous haul that had something epic about it. Once dead, the cetacean was towed to the boat's port of origin, where it was stranded on the beach and cut up.[111]​

[112]​.

As time went by, whale capture became increasingly widespread, as demonstrated by the importance of transatlantic fisheries to Newfoundland. Around the year 1520, Basque whalers established themselves in the Labrador Peninsula (Canada) to hunt whales.[113]​

Specialists from these centuries maintain that the trips and inshore fisheries in the Cantabrian Sea, along with those carried out in Ireland and England, served in a certain way as preparation and training for the later transatlantic voyages to the coasts of Newfoundland.[114]​.

The right whale was hunted in the Cantabrian Sea for at least eight centuries until its extinction. Currently it has almost disappeared from the eastern Atlantic where it can be seen only sporadically, now concentrating its forces on the North American coast.[111]​.

In the Cantabrian Coast, three subregions were worth highlighting in the production of ships. The Galician subregion focused on fishing associated with its rich fisheries, the Asturian coast faced important geographical challenges, and finally there was the easternmost area, made up of the provinces of Cantabria (then called Cuatro Villas de la Costa de la Mar), the lordship of Vizcaya and the province of Guipúzcoa. This last area was the most productive in the construction of ships, which contributed to the economic development of the region.[118]​.

The demand for ships derived from the Race of the Indies caused the number of ships built along the Cantabrian coast to increase since 1505, from Fuenterrabía to Santander "Santander (Spain)"). On the other hand, the caravel, weighing 60 to 80 tons and whose origin lies in small fishing boats on the coast of Galicia, Portugal and Atlantic Andalusia, began to be built in the Cantabrian Sea in the middle of the century. Merchant galleons would be the vessels with the greatest tonnage during these centuries and with the passage of time referred to those built expressly for war under the protection of the Spanish Crown.[119]​[120]​.

If previously the largest ships were built on the Mediterranean coast, in the century there was a shift of these activities to the Atlantic, especially to the shipyards of Cantabria, Vizcaya and Cádiz, and later to Ferrol, while the Mediterranean shipyards were left for smaller vessels.[121]​.

On the Cantabrian coasts, the abundant oak trees and their iron veins led to the construction of many of the best ships of the time. Important shipyards such as Pasajes, Zumaya, Zorroza, Deusto, Colindres or Guarnizo took advantage of the enormous reserves of nearby forests to build these boats. The construction work involved many "river carpenters and caulkers", repositories of knowledge inherited from a long tradition that dated back to the Middle Ages.[122]​.

The shipyards on the banks of the Cantabrian Sea had extensive infrastructure. They had banks to keep the wood moist; sheds and warehouses to store materials; forges and workshops; staff accommodations; slipways, scaffolding and other wooden structures necessary for the assembly of the boats. There were also docks and auxiliary boats. Around all of them there was also an important auxiliary industry of elements and components necessary for the finishing of the ships, which were manufactured in the shipyard itself. Sails "Vela (nautical)"), ropes "Cape (nautical)"), cooperage, motorboat, oars, pitch and resin, used in caulking"), were also obtained elsewhere. Even large pines, essential for the rigging "Rigging (nautical)"), were brought from places as far away as the North Sea or the Baltic.[122]​.

The large iron ore resources existing in the eastern area of the Cantabrian Coast favored the establishment, since Antiquity, of numerous forges and forges "Fragua (workshop)"), some of which specialized over time in the manufacture of nails "Nail (object)"), anchors, weapons and other accessories.[122] Added to this were important manufacturing facilities such as the Royal Artillery Factory of La Cavada, whose blast furnaces supplied the cannons necessary to gun all these ships.

Between the centuries and hundreds of ships would be built in the Cantabrian shipyards that the Crown and private shipowners used for war and oceanic trade.[122] The importance would become such that during the century the kings issued pragmatic paths "Pragmatic (law)") prohibiting any ship that had not been built in the Cantabrian from participating in the Race of the Indies.[98]​.

The Cantabrian ports played a key role in this booming Castilian commercial activity, especially from the 16th century onwards. . Thanks to their ships, the sailors made it possible to connect Castilla with the different European commercial centers, transporting the consumer products necessary to satisfy an ever-increasing demand. The rise of trade resulted in the development of maritime transport in the Cantabrian ports.

This mid-century commercial success is related to factors such as a rising economic situation; the formation of merchant associations such as the consulate of Burgos in 1494 and, later, that of Bilbao" in 1511; the generalization of new Italian commercial techniques; and the establishment of extensive networks of commercial companies based in the main European places.[123]​.

Wool is progressively added to the export of Biscayan iron, which is replacing English wool in the supply of the Flemish textile industry. To this important commercial link are added other traffic and other destinations such as the French coast of Brittany, Nantes, the Norman ports of Rouen and Calais and the English ports.[123] Cantabrian trade is mainly supported by goods coming not only from the Atlantic ports but also from those located in the North Sea and the Baltic, and which were destined for Castile.[124]​.

With the Hanseatic enemy gone, in Flanders, the main center of European trade, people from Bilbao and Burgos dispute their commercial differences. During the century Bilbao held the undisputed supremacy in the entire Cantabrian merchandise traffic, finally winning the game over the consulate of Burgos, which had directed its trade through the ports of Santander and Laredo "Laredo (Cantabria)"). In practice, trade from Bilbao was controlled mainly by English and Dutch merchants.[92]​.

The low importance of the ports of Asturias compared to the rest of the Cantabrian communities is explained by the relative isolation that the layout of the relief imposed on this territory. The transport of goods arriving at the Asturian ports towards the interior presented even greater difficulties than for the other Cantabrian coastal territories, increasing transport costs, if not making them absolutely impossible during the winters that made the mountain passes through the Cantabrian Mountains impassable.[123]​.

The privateer ship, with an official marquee license, was a vessel authorized by the states to attack enemy ships and ports. The patent of marque was an economical and regulated measure to protect the coasts and sea routes, avoiding the high cost of maintaining a stable war fleet. Corsair ships, lighter and faster than warships, were usually merchant boats or pataches armed with cannons. They operated alone or in small squads, many of them having bases in the ports of the Cantabrian Sea.

Francis I of France, in his wars against Emperor Charles I of Spain, resorted to privateers in his ambition to attack ships loaded with wealth from trade with the Americas. In response, the Gipuzkoan corsairs were a real scourge for the Gauls between the years 1553 and 1555, cutting off communications with Newfoundland and seriously damaging French trade.[125] Although Gipuzkoan privateering was the most active in this war, the movement of enemy corsairs did not disappear either. Thus, for example, the Norman privateer François Le Clerc, known as Pie de Palo, made raids along the Cantabrian coast, burning Santa Cruz de La Palma and plundering Cuba and Hispaniola.[125]​ Upon his return he encountered the convoy of Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, also with a marquee license in the service of Philip II, who sank one of his ships.[92]​ Not all of the privateering was professionalized but many of them Shipowners or skippers, whose main activity was commercial, armed their vessels in private and merchandise in case they encountered poorly protected Gallic merchants simply to try to capture them.[125]​.

The following year The same with Laredo in the battle of the Bay of Santoña, also capturing the captain and forcing the crew to burn the admiral of the Galician Squadron, these ships newly built in the Deusto shipyards on the way to La Coruña that had taken refuge from the French in the bay and that were still insufficiently armed and manned. The archbishop's fleet continued to harass the Cantabrian coasts, blocking the fleet. Spanish fleet arriving at the port of La Coruña.[126]​[127]​.

These resounding French victories resulted in the disappearance of the Colindres shipyards, which were heavily damaged and revealed their vulnerability from a military point of view, and the transfer of their work to the Guarnizo shipyard, in a much more protected Santander bay.[128]​.

The century meant for the Cantabrian shipyards a decrease in the construction of new vessels compared to previous times. Both Spain and the Netherlands had lagged behind in terms of nautical technological advances, leaving the French and English with a clear advantage in this field.[129]​.

The challenge at that time was to find a balance between stimulating national shipbuilding to compete with foreign powers and meeting the military demands of the royal shipyards, which attracted specialists and left private construction in an unfavorable position.[129]​.

At the same time, privateering activity in the Atlantic was intense over the centuries and, as has been noted, with different monarchies granting letters of countermark to captains to go privateering and be able to capture and loot enemy ships. This flooded the market with high-quality ships at low prices, which negatively affected the local shipbuilding industry. The buying and selling of captured vessels became lucrative for private shipowners who financed the creation of privateer squadrons and also for the royal treasury, which obtained a part of the privateering profits.[129]​.

With the War of Spanish Succession, alliances changed and Spain joined France, which affected the areas of action of the Basque corsairs, the most powerful at that time. As French trade dominated the Bay of Biscay, privateering activities in that region practically disappeared by 1713, at the end of the war. However, a few decades later, during the Asiento War, privateering resurfaced to support the Spanish Navy, which had risen from the ashes but was still too weak to confront the Royal Navy. The Basque corsairs filled the port of San Sebastián with numerous prizes that were then auctioned, with even merchants from outside the kingdom bidding through subterfuge even despite their prohibition.[125]​.

The Royal Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas stood out in this context, since its ships received patents for "private and merchandise" to stop the illegal trade of other European powers with America in exchange for maintaining its commercial monopoly with the overseas viceroyalties.[125]​.

Over time, the hegemony of the port of San Sebastián gave way to the entry of France into the war, competition from privateers from Bayonne "Bayonne (France)") and the greater effectiveness of the British Royal Navy against privateer activity. Consequently, Bilbao became the main port of the Cantabrian Sea.

The final phase of the Seven Years' War, in 1762, also generated an increase in applications for patents of marque by the Spanish intervention.[125]​.

After the Peace of Basel (1795) and the start of hostilities against Great Britain, maritime privateering once again experienced notable growth in the Western Cantabrian Sea. In 1799, Galician ships with a private marque managed to capture 21 English merchant ships, which generated prosperity in coastal cities such as Vigo.[130]​.

On the other hand, in the Eastern Cantabrian, privateering presented distinctive characteristics during this period, marked mainly by a sustained decline in contrast to the boom experienced in the western sector. During the reign of Charles IV, Basque corsair activity was conditioned by several structural factors. Given the notable absence of Spanish Navy ships capable of guaranteeing the effective defense of territorial waters, the authorities tried to promote the arming of various vessels in privateering. As a consequence, the protection of the coasts fell fundamentally into the hands of its own inhabitants. The port of Bilbao became the main starting point for the corsairs, followed by San Sebastián and, in significantly smaller proportions, by Bermeo, Lequeitio and Pasajes.[130]​.

The Gipuzkoan corsairs, who had historically exercised undisputed hegemony in the Cantabrian Sea, experienced an accelerated process of disappearance until they were reduced to almost anecdotal interventions. This decline and virtual disappearance was fundamentally due to economic reasons. This phenomenon finds its main explanation in the development of free trade with America during the 19th century, an economic activity that was considerably more profitable and less risky than traditional privateering operations.[130]​.

In 1778, a regulation was published allowing free trade "Free Trade Regulations (1778)") between several Spanish ports and the New Continent, except Mexico and Venezuela, which maintained the monopoly of the Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas. The Basque Country was excluded from this trade due to its own regional regime and internal customs, although San Sebastián obtained permission in 1788. Basque merchants were forced to look for indirect ways to trade, using permitted ports such as Santander if they could not do so from Bilbao or San Sebastián.[125]​[129]​.

Finally, the disappearance of privateering in the Cantabrian Sea was mainly due to economic evolution. Trade with America became more profitable and productive, providing an opportunity for commercial development that did not exist before. When Carlos III broke the monopoly of Cádiz and allowed free trade, he opened new business possibilities. Furthermore, trade with the rest of Europe was competitive, while the American market was still reserved, in theory, for the Spanish.[125]​.

Certain ports, driven by the increase in the fleet and the consequent increase in catches, became reference centers for anchovy fishing in their territories; This was the case of Motrico in Guipúzcoa, Ondárroa in Vizcaya, Laredo "Laredo (Cantabria)") and Colindres in Cantabria and Cudillero or San Juan de la Arena in Asturias. This did not mean that the traditional ports, such as Guetaria, Bermeo or Santoña, continued to be at the head of this fishery.[136]​.

An event then occurred that would change the physiognomy of many Cantabrian coastal towns: the development of the canning industry.

During the 20th century, the fishing industry in the communities of northern Spain underwent significant changes that completely altered the way it operated at the beginning of that century. Until approximately mid-century, the main activities focused on traditional preservation methods such as salting, which was mainly used on sardines, and pickling, which was mainly applied to sea bream and to a lesser extent to northern albacore. These methods predominated in the region until the middle of the century, when the fishing industry began to drastically transform.[137]​.

Until the 19th century, bocarte, which was transformed into anchovy, was a fish of less importance, since fishermen focused on other more abundant and profitable species.[note 7] There were hardly any references about anchovy and its transformation. However, it is at this time that the Cantabrian fish canning industry that we know today begins to acquire great relevance thanks to two fundamental factors: first, the wealth of the Cantabrian Sea, which regularly provides the raw material necessary for canning factories, and the second factor dates back to the end of the century and comes from distant regions of the Cantabrian region.[138]​.

Throughout the century and attracted by the abundant population of anchovies in the Cantabrian Sea, many Sicilians settled on the Cantabrian coast from a flourishing canning industry in Italy, making their salting techniques known. The Italian industry was booming and the demand for anchovies exceeded production, so the factories needed more anchovies to satisfy it.[139]​.

The massive arrival of Italians had a significant impact on anchovy fishing in places such as Ondarroa, Getaria and Santoña, and to a lesser extent in Bermeo, Lequeitio and Motrico. In some towns such as Laredo or Castro Urdiales, irregular catches of sardines destined for the canning industry led to anchovy fishing gaining relevance due to its greater value in the salting market.[139]​.

In Asturias, the impetus for this activity came from Cantabrian industrialists until the 1930s, who focused on certain ports where the bocarte was important in unloading, especially in eastern towns such as Llanes, Ribadesella and Lastres, and also in Cudillero and San Juan de la Arena, in western Asturias.[139]​.

The number of Italian industrialists on the Cantabrian coast increased considerably, and it was they who promoted the growth and change in the orientation of the fishing and canning sector, positioning the anchovy as the most important species in the entire Cantabrian region.[139]​.

However, the canning activity was based on a single species, mainly aimed at the Italian market and, to a lesser extent, the American market. This lack of diversification and dependence on the Italian economy and politics affected the development of the sector. The imposition of economic sanctions on Italy by the League of Nations, due to the invasion of Abyssinia, led Mussolini's government to restrict import permits and prohibit the departure of foreign currency from the country necessary to finance the Cantabrian coasts.[139]​.

The uncertainty generated by these actions seriously affected the Cantabrian fishing economy. With the closure of the Italian market, manufacturers reduced their production and stopped buying bocarte, which directly affected fishermen. This caused a sharp drop in the price of anchovies and the beginning of a crisis that also affected the fishing sector. The outbreak of the Spanish civil war in 1936 worsened the situation, since many Italian families abandoned the Cantabrian towns, and would not return until the end of the war.[139]​.

During the 20th century, with the Industrial Revolution, the modern concept of vacations and summer vacations became popular in Europe, which caused a cultural change in the use of coastal spaces that were previously considered unpleasant by the upper classes. The combination of economic interests, changes in social customs and the deterioration of life in industrial cities, together with the dissemination of medical practices and healthy hygiene habits, promoted the incipient coastal tourism.[140]​.

In particular, the fashion for "wave baths" emerged in Great Britain at the end of the century and was introduced in Spain in the middle of the century, bringing with it the model of maritime leisure stay that was already practiced in the Baltic Sea, the North Sea and the English Channel.[140]

Starting in 1750, doctors and hygienists, especially English, began to praise the therapeutic virtues of sea water and promote cold baths. Already in 1765, sea baths were famous in Biarritz, although there were no bathing establishments yet.[141]​ The perception of the healing properties of sea baths led to the proliferation of treatises explaining how to perform baths and their healing methods.[142]​.

Although several tourist centers were established in Spain on the Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts, the main development took place on the Cantabrian coast. These centers were modeled on the relevant tourist resorts of Arcachon and Biarritz in France.[140]​.

Despite the disruption caused by the Carlist War in the 1870s, the basic structure of a system of bathing stations along the entire Cantabrian coast had already been established. The two most important stations, by far, were San Sebastián and Santander. The regular presence of the royal family and the Spanish aristocracy consolidated and provided services to these places, turning them into select and fashionable destinations. Isabel II, Amadeo of Saboya, Alfonso XII and especially Alfonso

The fascination of the elites with sea bathing led to the creation of luxurious spas in the Atlantic region. These spas became wellness havens, where thalassotherapy sessions were only part of the experience. Ostentation and luxury mixed with health and socialization, creating an exclusive world where high society could rejuvenate their bodies or treat their ailments while enjoying the company of their peers.

Thus overall, in 1876, the publication «Review of the spa establishments and sea baths located in the provinces of northern Spain and Midi France» mentioned seven maritime spa resorts in Guipúzcoa, eight in Vizcaya, nine in Cantabria and five in Asturias, the majority arising from the expansion of the railway network in Spain and the drastic reduction in travel times. trip.[143]​.

The German U-Boat campaign took on a global character, taking place in all the seas of the world, highlighting the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean Sea. In the Cantabrian Sea they operated in an area that extended from Finisterre "Finisterre (Spain)") to Vizcaya, with the aim of controlling the passage of enemy ships towards the Atlantic Ocean. The fishermen of the Cantabrian Sea used to spot these submarines and, on occasions, even started conversations with their crew members who were looking to acquire food to supply themselves during their patrols.[147]​.

The situation in the Cantabrian Sea became even more complicated starting in February 1917, when the Central Empires decided to launch an unrestricted submarine war, interrupting all maritime traffic between neutral countries and allied nations. Germany's naval attacks against Spanish ships en route to and from nations of the Allied bloc became increasingly frequent and striking. Furthermore, the complaint that Spanish ports were being used freely by submarines put the Spanish Government in an unsustainable situation, with strong pressure to join the conflict. The sinking of Spanish ships caused a serious shortage of coal and increased prices of basic products.[note 8]​[145]​[148]​.

Submarine warfare in the Cantabrian Sea would continue until October 1918, when the French cargo ship Lyndiane") was sunk by the submarine U-103") off Sakoneta Beach "Saconeta (beach)"), resulting in the tragic loss of 35 crew members. A month later, the First World War would come to an end.[149]​.

Eighteen years after being the context of an armed conflict, the Cantabrian Sea would once again become a scene of naval confrontation during the Spanish Civil War, a conflict that would mark a milestone in the history of Spain and leave a deep mark on the country's collective memory.

The war broke out after the military uprising of July 18, 1936, when a part of the Spanish army revolted against the republican government. Immediately, the small fleet of the rebel side took control of the Cantabrian naval theater. Its initial mission was to carry out attack operations on the coast and support General Mola's forces in the Guipúzcoa Campaign, which had already taken the city of San Sebastián. Its initial success made Republican forces realize the need to counter this threat.[150]​.

Between August and September 1936, the Government of the Republic would deploy four Class C "Class C (1928)") submarines (C-3 "C-3 (1929)"), C-4 "C-4 (1929)"), C-5 "C-5 (1930)") and C-6 "C-6 (1930)") and one of the Class B "Class B (1922)") (the B-6")) to protect merchant traffic and attack the battleship España and the cruiser Almirante Cervera "Almirante Cervera (1928)"), which were operating in the Cantabrian Sea.[150]​ The purges of submarine officers at the beginning of the war, the distrust between the crew members (sailors and commanders), the frequent changes of commanders and crews due to political reasons, the Deficiencies in the material, as well as discouragement due to the subsequent sinking of the C-5 and B-6, caused the combative spirit of the submarine flotilla to decline.[150]​[151]​.

Given the poor results, in September 1936 the Republican command made a crucial strategic decision that would ultimately determine much of the future of the war: sending the majority of its surface naval fleet to the north of the country, to the Cantabrian Sea. This fleet was composed of a battleship, two cruisers "Cruiser (warship)") and six destroyers. The mission of this squad was to prevent the rebel forces from advancing along the Basque coast through the use of naval artillery. Only a small force of five destroyers was left in charge of the blockade of the Strait of Gibraltar, a key strategic location.[152]

The republican strategy was successful, stopping the advance of the rebel forces by land. The superiority of the Republican fleet in the Cantabrian Sea was so overwhelming that during its presence in the region, the navy of the rebel side remained inactive and took refuge in the naval base of Ferrol.[152]​.

However, a series of events changed the course of the war in the Cantabrian Sea. The majority of the Republican fleet had to return to the Mediterranean, since the national cruisers Canarias "Canarias (C-21)") and Almirante Cervera "Almirante Cervera (1928)") surprisingly broke the blockade of the Strait with hardly any opposition. Only a small squadron of two destroyers, two submarines and a torpedo boat remained, which together with the flotilla of bous&action=edit&redlink=1 "Bous (ship) (not yet written)") of the Euzkadi Auxiliary Navy created by the Basque Government, turned out to be insufficient to maintain control of the region.[150]​[152]​[note 9]​.

The rebels took advantage of this opportunity to consolidate their dominance in the Cantabrian Sea. The battleship España "España (1913)"), the destroyer Velasco "Velasco (V)"), three gunned merchant ships and a flotilla of armed bouses took control of the Cantabrian Sea and blocked access to the Republican ports in the northern strip. They also seized merchant ships that tried to reach these ports at will. The supremacy of the rebellious fleet allowed it to exercise an effective naval and commercial blockade in the region, while providing support to its army's offensives.[150]​.

The Royal Navy represented one of the main sources of complications for the rebellious Cantabrian Naval Forces, since they prevented the identification of merchant ships heading towards Republican ports, until they reached the limit of three miles from the coast. This constituted a serious inconvenience, since in that area they were already exposed to enemy coastal artillery fire. Despite everything, Republican maritime traffic in this area was increasingly strangled, with the consequent repercussions on the Northern front.[153]​.

This situation left the Republican side in a vulnerable position, since its Cantabrian Naval Fleet did not have a clear strategy and its main focus was hunting down the rebel cruiser Almirante Cervera "Almirante Cervera (1928)"), the most important ship of the rebel side. However, the attempts of the Republican submarines to sink this objective were not successful, which led to the cruiser not having an enemy capable of matching it in the Cantabrian Sea, its supremacy in this sea would become practically total.[153]​.

The situation worsened after the fall of Bilbao in June 1937, as the rebel forces advanced towards Santander, backed by the Francoist navy that continued to maintain the naval blockade. To defend Asturias from the blockade, the two destroyers Císcar "Císcar (CR)") and José Luis Díez "José Luis Díez (JD)") remained, as well as three submarines, of which two soon defected to France.[150]​.

The Cantabrian naval theater of operations during the civil war would come to an end with the sinking of the Republican destroyer Císcar in an air attack on October 20, 1937, and the subsequent escape from Gijón to Bordeaux in a torpedo boat of the General Staff of the Cantabrian Naval Forces.[150]​.

Since the beginning of the Civil War, the Germans proposed to obtain minerals such as iron from Spanish mines to boost weapons production within the framework of the Four-Year Plan led by Hermann Göring. Francisco Franco's political alliance with the Axis and the debt incurred during the civil war facilitated the exploitation of Spanish mines for the benefit of the German war effort in World War II.[146]​.

Despite the Spanish position of neutrality during the Second World War, maritime traffic to Bayonne "Bayonne (France)") was organized early, intensifying after the German takeover on June 27, 1940. Strategic minerals on a military level such as iron, zinc, fluorite, copper, pyrite, tin, etc. -not counting the clandestine trafficking of tungsten that will cause so much concern to the Allied services- came from the north of Spain, mainly from Bilbao, Pasajes and Vigo. Through operations of secret diplomacy and undisclosed trade, a merchant ship system based on flags of convenience was developed that covered traffic between the ports of the Cantabrian Sea and Bayonne, seeking through subterfuge to satisfy German needs for its war effort.[146]​.

At the same time, the German submarines were being supplied and repaired in Spanish ports and their relief crews were allowed to travel through Spain.[154]​.

Faced with this situation, the Allies "Allies (World War II)") deployed a series of operations in the Bay of Biscay to prevent enemy traffic. Systematic attacks were carried out to hinder the transport of minerals from Spain to Bayonne, even dedicating a flotilla of submarines based at Rosneath to this task.[146]

In an attempt to increase maritime traffic, the Germans considered acquiring ships using Spanish intermediaries or companies legally established but controlled by German services, which sought to acquire small Spanish shipping companies that, if possible, maintained the national flag.[146]​.

The importance of this clandestine trade led the British Admiralty to launch "Operation Myrmidon" in April 1942 in the estuary of the Adur River, with the aim of interrupting the transport of goods by road and rail between France and Spain. Although the operation failed, the German military authorities were forced to considerably reinforce the fortifications on the coast between Boucau and Hendaye during the following years, as well as the protection of merchant ships engaged in trafficking. of minerals to Bayonne.[146]​[156]​.

After the liberation of most of France in 1944, some heavily fortified strongholds persisted on the Atlantic coast, being supplied by sea and maintaining contacts with the Nazi authorities in Germany. The Allies, for their part, waited for circumstances to improve to dislodge the Nazis from these marginal strongholds, hoping that the collapse of Germany before the end of the year would make their conquest unnecessary.

Towards the summer of 1944, the pockets of resistance of the German army on the Atlantic coast, subject to an imperfect maritime blockade, needed supplies and communications. The German high command prioritized the maritime line, bringing supplies from Spain weekly to these fortresses: Lorient, Saint-Nazaire, the port of La Rochelle, Royan, etc. Spanish collaboration in this company was denounced by the Allies, generating diplomatic tensions. The presence of Nazi soldiers and agents in Cantabrian ports was highlighted and the activities of Kriegsmarine sailors belonging to submarines or small boats that were dedicated to supplying these strongholds of German resistance on the French coast were denounced.[146]​.

As 1945 progressed, French surveillance intensified, and speedboats based in Saint-Jean-de-Luz and planes based in Hourtin (Gironde) made Spanish-German exchanges considerably more difficult. The situation became increasingly difficult for the Germans, with stricter control and more effective actions by the Allied secret services.[146]​.

Finally, after the tungsten crisis and the Laurel Incident, General Franco began to reconsider his foreign policy, pledging to significantly reduce tungsten exports and suspend collaboration with the Axis powers.

A particularly worrying aspect is oil tanker traffic. More than 70% of the oil consumed in the European Union is transported by ship through the Finisterre Pass "Finisterre (Spain)"), heading towards the English Channel before reaching its final destination in various European ports. This route has turned the Cantabrian Sea into a high-risk area for maritime accidents, especially oil spills.[164] The region has witnessed several devastating accidents involving supertankers. In an interval of just a decade, three major incidents shook the area: the wreck of the Aegean Sea "Aegean Sea (oil tanker)") in 1992 near La Coruña, which spilled more than 70,000 tons of oil; the sinking of the Erika "Erika (tanker)") off the coast of France in 1999, spilling 10,000 tons; and the Prestige disaster in 2002, which produced an oil spill of more than 60,000 tons that seriously affected the Spanish coast. These incidents, along with others such as those of Monte Urquiola (1976), Andros Patria") (1979) and Castillo de Salas (1986), have made this region one of the most affected by this type of accidents in the world.[164]​.

According to recent studies, the Cantabrian coast is emerging as one of the major beneficiaries of the effects of climate change on the Spanish tourism sector. As extreme heat deters visitors from traditional Mediterranean destinations, the Cantabrian region would become an attractive "climate refuge" thanks to its moderate temperatures. However, this phenomenon would represent a double-edged sword: although it would boost the economy, it would also exert strong pressure on coastal ecosystems and marine biodiversity, with the risk of replicating the errors of overcrowding and overexploitation already visible in other latitudes (touristification").[165]​.

The Cantabrian Sea is, therefore, at a crossroads. On the one hand, economic development and the growth of maritime transportation have brought prosperity to the region. On the other hand, these same factors have endangered the delicate ecological balance of its waters and coasts. The challenge for the future lies in finding a sustainable balance between economic development and the preservation of the natural environment, guaranteeing the protection of this valuable marine ecosystem.[164]​.

However, there are factors that work against the theory that Bronze Age navigators used leather boats, such as the enormous cost of covering the hull with skins, or the need to make landfalls to let the leather dry and waterproof it again (which seriously limits the distances and duration of the journeys).[54]​.

There is evidence of monoxillary canoes for river navigation, which makes it logical to think that wooden boats, but with suitable characteristics, were also used for oceanic navigation. Bronze.[57]​.

New archaeological finds have revealed the connections between the Celtic peoples of the north of the Iberian Peninsula and the Atlantic European world during the first millennium BC. C.[61]​[57]​ Research in the field of genetics also demonstrates the existence of maritime contacts beyond the Cantabrian coasts.[62]​.

The typology of manufacturing and its technological characteristics generate notable similarities along the Cantabrian slope with the regions bordering the Atlantic, from the south of the British Isles to the western façade of the Iberian Peninsula. This phenomenon gives rise to the cultural identity known as Atlantic Bronze"), which replicates, on a certain scale, the commercial circuits observed in the Mediterranean.[55]​.

Finds such as the Cabárceno cauldron in Cantabria, similar to those found near Battersea (London) or Dublin (Ireland), or the Moñes diadem in Asturias, with representations of Irish and Welsh Celtic mythology, seem to show that maritime trade exchanges existed at least 600 years before the arrival of the Romans between the inhabitants of the northern part of the Peninsula and those of the European Atlantic zone.[55][63]​.

During the pre-Roman period, the Trasmontana population reached a certain level of development and, faced with the food problem, the solution consisted of coming into contact with the Aquitaine area. In the middle of the century BC. C. the interrelation with said territory seemed to have already reached a certain consistency.[50]​.

There is evidence of contacts with Mediterranean sailors, probably interested in the gold and tin trade. Petroglyphs such as Borna") (Monte Faro de Domaio, Vigo) or Laxe Auga dos Cebros") (Santa María de Oia "Oia (Pontevedra)"), Pontevedra) seem to document the arrival of these first ships. central and elevated bow and stern.[67]​.

These commercial expeditions followed the so-called tin route. The Tartessian, Phoenician or Carthaginian ships sailed along the Atlantic coast, going up the Lusitanian coast, doubling the Finis Terrae and, following the Cantabrian and Aquitaine coast, they finally arrived at the Cassiterides (or Oestrímnidas) islands, from where they obtained this precious metal.[55][68][69]​.

Rufo Festo Avieno, in his Ora maritima, used very ancient sources such as the Massaliota journey. In it, he locates the Cantabrian coast between Cape Venus (probably Cape Higuer) and Cape Aryium (Ortegal). According to the poem, this area was presumably occupied by the pre-Roman people of the Dragans), who inhabited "the snowy north", identified with the Picos de Europa, easily distinguishable in coastal navigation.[70]​.

During this period navigation would be non-instrumental, based on the observation of natural phenomena such as winds, currents and tides; the movement of stars and planets; or the use of animals for maritime orientation such as birds.[54][71]​.

Seasonality was crucial. The end of spring and the entire summer season would be the only period suitable for long coastal and deep-sea navigation. During the rest of the year the trips would cover short distances, dedicated mainly to fishing, and never far from the coast.

On the coasts of northwestern Europe, storms of force 7 are eight times more frequent in winter, and the average number of days with rough seas is four times greater than in summer. Therefore, the most prudent thing for the navigators of the Metal Age was to make their trips in summer. It has been estimated that a frame boat could withstand storms of force 5 (fresh breeze of 20 knots), and a leather boat could even handle a storm of grade 6 (22 to 27 knots).[60]​.

In the time of Julius Caesar, the sea journey from Brittany to northern Galicia usually lasted about three days.[56] The Atlantic ships of that time sailed and used square sails, very similar to those of the Nordic ships of later centuries. This crossing time coincides with what Strabo tells about the Greek navigator Pytheas, who also took three days to go from the Galician coast to Cape Finisterre, in Brittany.[77] In general, navigation was faster from the north of Europe to the south, since in the Cantabrian Sea the north and northwest winds predominate, which favored the course of those ships that only had sails. square.[56][note 4]​.

Archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic finds have shed light on the port network and communications in the area, which were part of an integrated Atlantic economy.

Archaeological data indicate that the chronological evolution of the Cantabrian ports presents notable similarities. Thus, no data supports their existence during the turbulent period of the Cantabrian Wars and the immediate aftermath.[51]​ However, there must have been the availability of a port infrastructure capable of hosting the landing of the classis Aquitanica") mentioned by Orosio, probably at a time when land routes were formally non-existent and transport by sea was cheaper and faster.[50]​[74]​.

It would not be until the time of Tiberius, from the year 14 to , when the beginning of a confirmed commercial activity can be established.[51] During the period of the Julio-Claudian dynasty (from 27 to ) the growth of enclaves such as Gijón, a Romanized indigenous settlement, and the appearance of others of lesser importance will take place.

However, it was not until the Flavian emperors that the definitive articulation of the Cantabrian ports took place, with the takeoff or consolidation of settlements such as Flavium Brigantium"), Noega, Portus Amanum-Flaviobriga, Oiasso and Portus Victoriae. These were strategic locations chosen either because they were located sheltered from the north and northwest winds, or because they were important connections with Roman roads that gave access inside.[51]​.

A set of main ports, secondary ports and vicus (coastal settlements) will configure the Cantabrian route as support points for deep-sea navigation and cabotage, intended for the repair of boats and the supply of provisions.[50]​[78]​.

Although we do not have enough information to establish a clear hierarchy, it is known that Flavium Brigantium") (La Coruña) and Flaviobriga (Castro Urdiales), which acquired the status of municipium and colony respectively during the Flavian dynasty (from 69 to ) had a higher legal-administrative category. On the other hand, archaeological evidence highlights the importance of Oiasso (Irun) in the region.[74]​.

During the century AD. C. all the mentioned ports would enjoy their maximum splendor. After the deep imperial crisis of the century, a recovery occurred at the beginning of the century, in which an increase in the import of foreign products was seen.[51]​.

The Roman presence in the north has gone from being considered marginal to recognizing a much higher level of Romanization. The discoveries support the existence of an Atlantic economic space, autonomous from the control of Rome and the Mediterranean, characterized by free trade.[74]​.

The intense navigability of this Sinus Aquitanus (Bay of Biscay) appears confirmed by literary sources and archaeological evidence, as a large number of Roman remains and even shipwrecks have been attested, concentrating especially in the area of ​​Fuenterrabía and Cape Higuer.[note 5]​[79]​[80]​.

These data, together with the Cantabrian iron trade and the finds of South Gallic terra sigillata, suggest the possible existence of a maritime trade route that linked the entire Cantabrian Sea with Burdigala (present-day Bordeaux), and from here, a waterway along the Garonne River and the Midi plain, to Narbo Martius (present-day Narbonne) with access to the Mediterranean Sea.[81]​.

The Aquitaine region would be one of the great granaries of the Roman world. Already during the Cantabrian Wars Strabo points out how the Romans supplied wheat and other provisions from Aquitania.[82]​ The commercial genesis of the Cantabrian ports would follow an expansion from east to west, taking into account the chronology of materials in Oiasso and Flaviobriga, places near Burdigala.[51]​.

This interrelation had different consequences:

• - The eastern half (Cantabria and Vasconia) dispensed with developing its own large agrarian system due to its immediacy to the supplying granary of Aquitaine.

• - The western half (Galicia and Asturias), conditioned by distance, was forced to develop on the coast itself a vilaria system of certain importance on which agricultural production fell.

The interrelation was established to such an extent that in imperial times the Sinus Aquitanus functioned as an authentic "Roman lake."[50] According to Pliny in the century BC. C. the Cantabrian Sea had become a transit sea between the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean: ships leaving from Gades and the Pillars of Hercules could sail throughout the West around Hispania and Gaul.[83][56]​.

Under the reign of Alfonso XI, the navy of Castile became a respectable force. The important naval fleet that emerged in the middle of the century on the coast of the Cantabrian Sea expanded throughout the European Atlantic arc. This expansion continued to grow and consolidate, until it became a dominant power in the Atlantic waters during the following centuries.[96]​ During this century La Rochelle, the main French port in the Bay of Biscay, was already frequented by ships that made the Atlantic route to England and Flanders.[97]​.

At this time, powerful confederations of port towns in the Cantabrian Sea emerged, such as the Brotherhood of the Four Towns or the Brotherhood of the Marismas, which formed a first-rate maritime power at the service of the Crown of Castile, maintaining autonomy in their international commercial relations.[52] The ports of the Brotherhood became important centers of maritime trade or naval arsenals, being a fundamental piece of the kingdom's economy. Slowly at its beginnings at the end of the century and at greater speed since the end of the century, a trade route was created with great effort that in a transversal direction linked the Cantabrian ports with those of the North Sea.[97]​.

From Cantabrian ports, regular routes were opened to Mediterranean and North Sea ports, and the high-water fisheries were visited on an annual basis in the Gran Sol fishing ground (in the Northeast Atlantic) or the Canary Islands, where ships ventured to capture economically advantageous pelagic species.[98]​.

Over the centuries, the small Cantabrian gauged ports continued to affirm their presence in the maritime arc that spanned from the western Mediterranean to the North Sea. Already in 1304, the Florentine chronicler Giovanni Villani evidenced the important change in maritime trade in the Western Middle Ages and one of the great events of the maritime life of the Tyrrhenian era: the union of the two key commercial areas, the Atlantic and the Mediterranean.[99]​[100]​.

The end of the Middle Ages began to notice a timid but growing presence of ships from the Castilian coastal ports of the Cantabrian-Atlantic coast that ventured into the Mediterranean. They followed the opposite path that the Genoese and Mallorcans had already been preparing a few years before with their activities in northern Europe.[100]​.

This change in maritime trade had a profound impact on the economy and commercial relations of the time and would not have been possible without the long process of creation and consolidation of a coastal urban network in the Cantabrian Sea. The population of these towns found in their nautical vocation the basis of their rapid economic prosperity and the active participation of their vessels in European commercial circuits, first in the Atlantic area and later, during the 19th century, expanding towards the western Mediterranean.[100] The main Cantabrian ports would confirm a maritime power with a hegemonic aspect, capable of acting as an arbiter between the other maritime nations during the Hundred Years' War and stopping conflicts. expansive pretensions of an entity as powerful as the Hanseatic League.[98]​.

Throughout the Middle Ages, commercial traffic between the ports of the Celtic Sea was frequently interrupted by wars and conflicts, sometimes only maintained between certain towns or cities, and which nourished and increased the corsair traditions of the local seafaring populations. Castellanos and French on one side and English on the other fought in a give and take that conditioned maritime traffic in the English Channel and the Bay of Biscay, claiming numerous ships from both sides. On the Castilian side, it is worth highlighting the sackings of Walsingham, Isle of Wight, Dover "Dover (Kent)"), Rye "Rye (Eastern Sussex)"), Portsmouth, Plymouth and the taking of Roche-Guyon in the Seine estuary. In 1380, a Castilian fleet under the command of Fernando Sánchez de Tovar sailed up the River Thames, daring to disembark in Gravesend, a few kilometers from London. On the English side, the corsair Arripaye") transported pilgrims with license to Santiago de Compostela and on the return voyage he filled the holds, plundering the coasts of Castile and France, even burning Gijón and sacking Finisterre "Finisterre (Spain)").[92][102] In response in the year 1405, Pero Niño captained a combined Castilian and French fleet that completely destroyed Poole, home port of the English privateer. In his particular revenge, the Englishman led a fleet of 15 ships through the English Channel in 1407, capturing numerous Castilian and French cargo ships.[103]

The important fleets necessary to sustain all this maritime activity were designed to navigate the difficult waters of the European Atlantic coast. This gave rise to a shipyard activity along the bays and inlets of the Cantabrian coast in which the traditional construction techniques of medieval sailing ships were refined, incorporating new technologies that would allow high-altitude voyages to be carried out and achieve the Renaissance geographical expansion of later centuries. All this in addition to the hand of a school of skilled sailors and pilots born in the aforementioned towns and hardened in the complicated Atlantic waters.[98]​.

This naval power remained with certain ups and downs during the century, laying the necessary foundations, in terms of sailors, ships and nautical knowledge, to achieve the feat of Discovery.[104]​.

Fishing became a fundamental economic activity for the communities dependent on the Cantabrian Sea, especially the capture of whales, which are now extinct in the region. During the Late Middle Ages, whaling began in these waters. Normally the abadengo places in the Cantabrian Sea were the ones that had rights over these fisheries, almost always reserving a part of the animal.[105]​ Thus, right whale hunting became widespread among the ports of the Basque Country, Cantabria, Asturias and Galicia, whose activity marked the customs and personality of many of these populations over the centuries. The French geographer André Thevet alludes to the flourishing whaling industry in the Bay of Biscay in the century :[106]​.

The right whale moves in shallow waters near the coast, approaching bays and inlets, which favored its hunting and exploitation. In the eastern Atlantic this species migrated in winter to waters located between the Azores and Madeira archipelagos, the Bay of Biscay and the coasts of Western Sahara. In summer they moved to the seas between Iceland, Svalbard and the coasts of Norway.[107]​.

The first documentary record of whale hunting in the Cantabrian Sea comes from the French Basque Country (Bayonne "Bayonne (France)") and corresponds to the year 1059, followed by one from Santoña, dated 1190 and another from Motrico from 1200.[107]​[108]​ In Asturias the first known document is dated 1232 and in Galicia the first mention whaling dates back to the year 1371.[107] Although there is archaeological evidence of the use of bone remains of the gray whale species in pre-Roman times in the fort "Castro (fortification)") of Campa Torres (Gijón) in the century BC. C. or a. C., it cannot be assured that they were actively hunted or rather that their use came from occasional strandings, so whaling on the Cantabrian coasts during the Ancient Age is not proven.[note 6]​

[107]​

[109]​.

From the whale, saín or blubber was mainly obtained, intended for lighting, and baleen, a material appreciated for its flexibility, products that, because they were not perishable, could be transported to the interior of the Iberian Peninsula at a time when, as already mentioned, the routes through the Cantabrian Mountains were complicated. The meat was barely consumed in Spain and was exported to the French Basque Country preserved in brine.[107]​.

Historians place the peak of whaling in the Cantabrian Sea between the 19th and 18th centuries.[107]​ During the early times, the different coastal populations built watchtowers "Watchtower (construction)") from which they could monitor the sea and watch the whales' snorts during the breeding season, between October and March.[111]​

Hunting was carried out from pinnaces "Pinaza (ship's boat)") or longboats with about eight components, including rowers, harpooner and helmsman. After being harpooned, the whale fled by diving into the depths of the sea, dragging the fragile boat to which it was attached by a rope, in a dangerous haul that had something epic about it. Once dead, the cetacean was towed to the boat's port of origin, where it was stranded on the beach and cut up.[111]​

[112]​.

As time went by, whale capture became increasingly widespread, as demonstrated by the importance of transatlantic fisheries to Newfoundland. Around the year 1520, Basque whalers established themselves in the Labrador Peninsula (Canada) to hunt whales.[113]​

Specialists from these centuries maintain that the trips and inshore fisheries in the Cantabrian Sea, along with those carried out in Ireland and England, served in a certain way as preparation and training for the later transatlantic voyages to the coasts of Newfoundland.[114]​.

The right whale was hunted in the Cantabrian Sea for at least eight centuries until its extinction. Currently it has almost disappeared from the eastern Atlantic where it can be seen only sporadically, now concentrating its forces on the North American coast.[111]​.

In the Cantabrian Coast, three subregions were worth highlighting in the production of ships. The Galician subregion focused on fishing associated with its rich fisheries, the Asturian coast faced important geographical challenges, and finally there was the easternmost area, made up of the provinces of Cantabria (then called Cuatro Villas de la Costa de la Mar), the lordship of Vizcaya and the province of Guipúzcoa. This last area was the most productive in the construction of ships, which contributed to the economic development of the region.[118]​.

The demand for ships derived from the Race of the Indies caused the number of ships built along the Cantabrian coast to increase since 1505, from Fuenterrabía to Santander "Santander (Spain)"). On the other hand, the caravel, weighing 60 to 80 tons and whose origin lies in small fishing boats on the coast of Galicia, Portugal and Atlantic Andalusia, began to be built in the Cantabrian Sea in the middle of the century. Merchant galleons would be the vessels with the greatest tonnage during these centuries and with the passage of time referred to those built expressly for war under the protection of the Spanish Crown.[119]​[120]​.

If previously the largest ships were built on the Mediterranean coast, in the century there was a shift of these activities to the Atlantic, especially to the shipyards of Cantabria, Vizcaya and Cádiz, and later to Ferrol, while the Mediterranean shipyards were left for smaller vessels.[121]​.

On the Cantabrian coasts, the abundant oak trees and their iron veins led to the construction of many of the best ships of the time. Important shipyards such as Pasajes, Zumaya, Zorroza, Deusto, Colindres or Guarnizo took advantage of the enormous reserves of nearby forests to build these boats. The construction work involved many "river carpenters and caulkers", repositories of knowledge inherited from a long tradition that dated back to the Middle Ages.[122]​.

The shipyards on the banks of the Cantabrian Sea had extensive infrastructure. They had banks to keep the wood moist; sheds and warehouses to store materials; forges and workshops; staff accommodations; slipways, scaffolding and other wooden structures necessary for the assembly of the boats. There were also docks and auxiliary boats. Around all of them there was also an important auxiliary industry of elements and components necessary for the finishing of the ships, which were manufactured in the shipyard itself. Sails "Vela (nautical)"), ropes "Cape (nautical)"), cooperage, motorboat, oars, pitch and resin, used in caulking"), were also obtained elsewhere. Even large pines, essential for the rigging "Rigging (nautical)"), were brought from places as far away as the North Sea or the Baltic.[122]​.

The large iron ore resources existing in the eastern area of the Cantabrian Coast favored the establishment, since Antiquity, of numerous forges and forges "Fragua (workshop)"), some of which specialized over time in the manufacture of nails "Nail (object)"), anchors, weapons and other accessories.[122] Added to this were important manufacturing facilities such as the Royal Artillery Factory of La Cavada, whose blast furnaces supplied the cannons necessary to gun all these ships.

Between the centuries and hundreds of ships would be built in the Cantabrian shipyards that the Crown and private shipowners used for war and oceanic trade.[122] The importance would become such that during the century the kings issued pragmatic paths "Pragmatic (law)") prohibiting any ship that had not been built in the Cantabrian from participating in the Race of the Indies.[98]​.

The Cantabrian ports played a key role in this booming Castilian commercial activity, especially from the 16th century onwards. . Thanks to their ships, the sailors made it possible to connect Castilla with the different European commercial centers, transporting the consumer products necessary to satisfy an ever-increasing demand. The rise of trade resulted in the development of maritime transport in the Cantabrian ports.

This mid-century commercial success is related to factors such as a rising economic situation; the formation of merchant associations such as the consulate of Burgos in 1494 and, later, that of Bilbao" in 1511; the generalization of new Italian commercial techniques; and the establishment of extensive networks of commercial companies based in the main European places.[123]​.

Wool is progressively added to the export of Biscayan iron, which is replacing English wool in the supply of the Flemish textile industry. To this important commercial link are added other traffic and other destinations such as the French coast of Brittany, Nantes, the Norman ports of Rouen and Calais and the English ports.[123] Cantabrian trade is mainly supported by goods coming not only from the Atlantic ports but also from those located in the North Sea and the Baltic, and which were destined for Castile.[124]​.

With the Hanseatic enemy gone, in Flanders, the main center of European trade, people from Bilbao and Burgos dispute their commercial differences. During the century Bilbao held the undisputed supremacy in the entire Cantabrian merchandise traffic, finally winning the game over the consulate of Burgos, which had directed its trade through the ports of Santander and Laredo "Laredo (Cantabria)"). In practice, trade from Bilbao was controlled mainly by English and Dutch merchants.[92]​.

The low importance of the ports of Asturias compared to the rest of the Cantabrian communities is explained by the relative isolation that the layout of the relief imposed on this territory. The transport of goods arriving at the Asturian ports towards the interior presented even greater difficulties than for the other Cantabrian coastal territories, increasing transport costs, if not making them absolutely impossible during the winters that made the mountain passes through the Cantabrian Mountains impassable.[123]​.

The privateer ship, with an official marquee license, was a vessel authorized by the states to attack enemy ships and ports. The patent of marque was an economical and regulated measure to protect the coasts and sea routes, avoiding the high cost of maintaining a stable war fleet. Corsair ships, lighter and faster than warships, were usually merchant boats or pataches armed with cannons. They operated alone or in small squads, many of them having bases in the ports of the Cantabrian Sea.

Francis I of France, in his wars against Emperor Charles I of Spain, resorted to privateers in his ambition to attack ships loaded with wealth from trade with the Americas. In response, the Gipuzkoan corsairs were a real scourge for the Gauls between the years 1553 and 1555, cutting off communications with Newfoundland and seriously damaging French trade.[125] Although Gipuzkoan privateering was the most active in this war, the movement of enemy corsairs did not disappear either. Thus, for example, the Norman privateer François Le Clerc, known as Pie de Palo, made raids along the Cantabrian coast, burning Santa Cruz de La Palma and plundering Cuba and Hispaniola.[125]​ Upon his return he encountered the convoy of Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, also with a marquee license in the service of Philip II, who sank one of his ships.[92]​ Not all of the privateering was professionalized but many of them Shipowners or skippers, whose main activity was commercial, armed their vessels in private and merchandise in case they encountered poorly protected Gallic merchants simply to try to capture them.[125]​.

The following year The same with Laredo in the battle of the Bay of Santoña, also capturing the captain and forcing the crew to burn the admiral of the Galician Squadron, these ships newly built in the Deusto shipyards on the way to La Coruña that had taken refuge from the French in the bay and that were still insufficiently armed and manned. The archbishop's fleet continued to harass the Cantabrian coasts, blocking the fleet. Spanish fleet arriving at the port of La Coruña.[126]​[127]​.

These resounding French victories resulted in the disappearance of the Colindres shipyards, which were heavily damaged and revealed their vulnerability from a military point of view, and the transfer of their work to the Guarnizo shipyard, in a much more protected Santander bay.[128]​.

The century meant for the Cantabrian shipyards a decrease in the construction of new vessels compared to previous times. Both Spain and the Netherlands had lagged behind in terms of nautical technological advances, leaving the French and English with a clear advantage in this field.[129]​.

The challenge at that time was to find a balance between stimulating national shipbuilding to compete with foreign powers and meeting the military demands of the royal shipyards, which attracted specialists and left private construction in an unfavorable position.[129]​.

At the same time, privateering activity in the Atlantic was intense over the centuries and, as has been noted, with different monarchies granting letters of countermark to captains to go privateering and be able to capture and loot enemy ships. This flooded the market with high-quality ships at low prices, which negatively affected the local shipbuilding industry. The buying and selling of captured vessels became lucrative for private shipowners who financed the creation of privateer squadrons and also for the royal treasury, which obtained a part of the privateering profits.[129]​.

With the War of Spanish Succession, alliances changed and Spain joined France, which affected the areas of action of the Basque corsairs, the most powerful at that time. As French trade dominated the Bay of Biscay, privateering activities in that region practically disappeared by 1713, at the end of the war. However, a few decades later, during the Asiento War, privateering resurfaced to support the Spanish Navy, which had risen from the ashes but was still too weak to confront the Royal Navy. The Basque corsairs filled the port of San Sebastián with numerous prizes that were then auctioned, with even merchants from outside the kingdom bidding through subterfuge even despite their prohibition.[125]​.

The Royal Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas stood out in this context, since its ships received patents for "private and merchandise" to stop the illegal trade of other European powers with America in exchange for maintaining its commercial monopoly with the overseas viceroyalties.[125]​.

Over time, the hegemony of the port of San Sebastián gave way to the entry of France into the war, competition from privateers from Bayonne "Bayonne (France)") and the greater effectiveness of the British Royal Navy against privateer activity. Consequently, Bilbao became the main port of the Cantabrian Sea.

The final phase of the Seven Years' War, in 1762, also generated an increase in applications for patents of marque by the Spanish intervention.[125]​.

After the Peace of Basel (1795) and the start of hostilities against Great Britain, maritime privateering once again experienced notable growth in the Western Cantabrian Sea. In 1799, Galician ships with a private marque managed to capture 21 English merchant ships, which generated prosperity in coastal cities such as Vigo.[130]​.

On the other hand, in the Eastern Cantabrian, privateering presented distinctive characteristics during this period, marked mainly by a sustained decline in contrast to the boom experienced in the western sector. During the reign of Charles IV, Basque corsair activity was conditioned by several structural factors. Given the notable absence of Spanish Navy ships capable of guaranteeing the effective defense of territorial waters, the authorities tried to promote the arming of various vessels in privateering. As a consequence, the protection of the coasts fell fundamentally into the hands of its own inhabitants. The port of Bilbao became the main starting point for the corsairs, followed by San Sebastián and, in significantly smaller proportions, by Bermeo, Lequeitio and Pasajes.[130]​.

The Gipuzkoan corsairs, who had historically exercised undisputed hegemony in the Cantabrian Sea, experienced an accelerated process of disappearance until they were reduced to almost anecdotal interventions. This decline and virtual disappearance was fundamentally due to economic reasons. This phenomenon finds its main explanation in the development of free trade with America during the 19th century, an economic activity that was considerably more profitable and less risky than traditional privateering operations.[130]​.

In 1778, a regulation was published allowing free trade "Free Trade Regulations (1778)") between several Spanish ports and the New Continent, except Mexico and Venezuela, which maintained the monopoly of the Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas. The Basque Country was excluded from this trade due to its own regional regime and internal customs, although San Sebastián obtained permission in 1788. Basque merchants were forced to look for indirect ways to trade, using permitted ports such as Santander if they could not do so from Bilbao or San Sebastián.[125]​[129]​.

Finally, the disappearance of privateering in the Cantabrian Sea was mainly due to economic evolution. Trade with America became more profitable and productive, providing an opportunity for commercial development that did not exist before. When Carlos III broke the monopoly of Cádiz and allowed free trade, he opened new business possibilities. Furthermore, trade with the rest of Europe was competitive, while the American market was still reserved, in theory, for the Spanish.[125]​.

Certain ports, driven by the increase in the fleet and the consequent increase in catches, became reference centers for anchovy fishing in their territories; This was the case of Motrico in Guipúzcoa, Ondárroa in Vizcaya, Laredo "Laredo (Cantabria)") and Colindres in Cantabria and Cudillero or San Juan de la Arena in Asturias. This did not mean that the traditional ports, such as Guetaria, Bermeo or Santoña, continued to be at the head of this fishery.[136]​.

An event then occurred that would change the physiognomy of many Cantabrian coastal towns: the development of the canning industry.

During the 20th century, the fishing industry in the communities of northern Spain underwent significant changes that completely altered the way it operated at the beginning of that century. Until approximately mid-century, the main activities focused on traditional preservation methods such as salting, which was mainly used on sardines, and pickling, which was mainly applied to sea bream and to a lesser extent to northern albacore. These methods predominated in the region until the middle of the century, when the fishing industry began to drastically transform.[137]​.

Until the 19th century, bocarte, which was transformed into anchovy, was a fish of less importance, since fishermen focused on other more abundant and profitable species.[note 7] There were hardly any references about anchovy and its transformation. However, it is at this time that the Cantabrian fish canning industry that we know today begins to acquire great relevance thanks to two fundamental factors: first, the wealth of the Cantabrian Sea, which regularly provides the raw material necessary for canning factories, and the second factor dates back to the end of the century and comes from distant regions of the Cantabrian region.[138]​.

Throughout the century and attracted by the abundant population of anchovies in the Cantabrian Sea, many Sicilians settled on the Cantabrian coast from a flourishing canning industry in Italy, making their salting techniques known. The Italian industry was booming and the demand for anchovies exceeded production, so the factories needed more anchovies to satisfy it.[139]​.

The massive arrival of Italians had a significant impact on anchovy fishing in places such as Ondarroa, Getaria and Santoña, and to a lesser extent in Bermeo, Lequeitio and Motrico. In some towns such as Laredo or Castro Urdiales, irregular catches of sardines destined for the canning industry led to anchovy fishing gaining relevance due to its greater value in the salting market.[139]​.

In Asturias, the impetus for this activity came from Cantabrian industrialists until the 1930s, who focused on certain ports where the bocarte was important in unloading, especially in eastern towns such as Llanes, Ribadesella and Lastres, and also in Cudillero and San Juan de la Arena, in western Asturias.[139]​.

The number of Italian industrialists on the Cantabrian coast increased considerably, and it was they who promoted the growth and change in the orientation of the fishing and canning sector, positioning the anchovy as the most important species in the entire Cantabrian region.[139]​.

However, the canning activity was based on a single species, mainly aimed at the Italian market and, to a lesser extent, the American market. This lack of diversification and dependence on the Italian economy and politics affected the development of the sector. The imposition of economic sanctions on Italy by the League of Nations, due to the invasion of Abyssinia, led Mussolini's government to restrict import permits and prohibit the departure of foreign currency from the country necessary to finance the Cantabrian coasts.[139]​.

The uncertainty generated by these actions seriously affected the Cantabrian fishing economy. With the closure of the Italian market, manufacturers reduced their production and stopped buying bocarte, which directly affected fishermen. This caused a sharp drop in the price of anchovies and the beginning of a crisis that also affected the fishing sector. The outbreak of the Spanish civil war in 1936 worsened the situation, since many Italian families abandoned the Cantabrian towns, and would not return until the end of the war.[139]​.

During the 20th century, with the Industrial Revolution, the modern concept of vacations and summer vacations became popular in Europe, which caused a cultural change in the use of coastal spaces that were previously considered unpleasant by the upper classes. The combination of economic interests, changes in social customs and the deterioration of life in industrial cities, together with the dissemination of medical practices and healthy hygiene habits, promoted the incipient coastal tourism.[140]​.

In particular, the fashion for "wave baths" emerged in Great Britain at the end of the century and was introduced in Spain in the middle of the century, bringing with it the model of maritime leisure stay that was already practiced in the Baltic Sea, the North Sea and the English Channel.[140]

Starting in 1750, doctors and hygienists, especially English, began to praise the therapeutic virtues of sea water and promote cold baths. Already in 1765, sea baths were famous in Biarritz, although there were no bathing establishments yet.[141]​ The perception of the healing properties of sea baths led to the proliferation of treatises explaining how to perform baths and their healing methods.[142]​.

Although several tourist centers were established in Spain on the Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts, the main development took place on the Cantabrian coast. These centers were modeled on the relevant tourist resorts of Arcachon and Biarritz in France.[140]​.

Despite the disruption caused by the Carlist War in the 1870s, the basic structure of a system of bathing stations along the entire Cantabrian coast had already been established. The two most important stations, by far, were San Sebastián and Santander. The regular presence of the royal family and the Spanish aristocracy consolidated and provided services to these places, turning them into select and fashionable destinations. Isabel II, Amadeo of Saboya, Alfonso XII and especially Alfonso

The fascination of the elites with sea bathing led to the creation of luxurious spas in the Atlantic region. These spas became wellness havens, where thalassotherapy sessions were only part of the experience. Ostentation and luxury mixed with health and socialization, creating an exclusive world where high society could rejuvenate their bodies or treat their ailments while enjoying the company of their peers.

Thus overall, in 1876, the publication «Review of the spa establishments and sea baths located in the provinces of northern Spain and Midi France» mentioned seven maritime spa resorts in Guipúzcoa, eight in Vizcaya, nine in Cantabria and five in Asturias, the majority arising from the expansion of the railway network in Spain and the drastic reduction in travel times. trip.[143]​.

The German U-Boat campaign took on a global character, taking place in all the seas of the world, highlighting the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean Sea. In the Cantabrian Sea they operated in an area that extended from Finisterre "Finisterre (Spain)") to Vizcaya, with the aim of controlling the passage of enemy ships towards the Atlantic Ocean. The fishermen of the Cantabrian Sea used to spot these submarines and, on occasions, even started conversations with their crew members who were looking to acquire food to supply themselves during their patrols.[147]​.

The situation in the Cantabrian Sea became even more complicated starting in February 1917, when the Central Empires decided to launch an unrestricted submarine war, interrupting all maritime traffic between neutral countries and allied nations. Germany's naval attacks against Spanish ships en route to and from nations of the Allied bloc became increasingly frequent and striking. Furthermore, the complaint that Spanish ports were being used freely by submarines put the Spanish Government in an unsustainable situation, with strong pressure to join the conflict. The sinking of Spanish ships caused a serious shortage of coal and increased prices of basic products.[note 8]​[145]​[148]​.

Submarine warfare in the Cantabrian Sea would continue until October 1918, when the French cargo ship Lyndiane") was sunk by the submarine U-103") off Sakoneta Beach "Saconeta (beach)"), resulting in the tragic loss of 35 crew members. A month later, the First World War would come to an end.[149]​.

Eighteen years after being the context of an armed conflict, the Cantabrian Sea would once again become a scene of naval confrontation during the Spanish Civil War, a conflict that would mark a milestone in the history of Spain and leave a deep mark on the country's collective memory.

The war broke out after the military uprising of July 18, 1936, when a part of the Spanish army revolted against the republican government. Immediately, the small fleet of the rebel side took control of the Cantabrian naval theater. Its initial mission was to carry out attack operations on the coast and support General Mola's forces in the Guipúzcoa Campaign, which had already taken the city of San Sebastián. Its initial success made Republican forces realize the need to counter this threat.[150]​.

Between August and September 1936, the Government of the Republic would deploy four Class C "Class C (1928)") submarines (C-3 "C-3 (1929)"), C-4 "C-4 (1929)"), C-5 "C-5 (1930)") and C-6 "C-6 (1930)") and one of the Class B "Class B (1922)") (the B-6")) to protect merchant traffic and attack the battleship España and the cruiser Almirante Cervera "Almirante Cervera (1928)"), which were operating in the Cantabrian Sea.[150]​ The purges of submarine officers at the beginning of the war, the distrust between the crew members (sailors and commanders), the frequent changes of commanders and crews due to political reasons, the Deficiencies in the material, as well as discouragement due to the subsequent sinking of the C-5 and B-6, caused the combative spirit of the submarine flotilla to decline.[150]​[151]​.

Given the poor results, in September 1936 the Republican command made a crucial strategic decision that would ultimately determine much of the future of the war: sending the majority of its surface naval fleet to the north of the country, to the Cantabrian Sea. This fleet was composed of a battleship, two cruisers "Cruiser (warship)") and six destroyers. The mission of this squad was to prevent the rebel forces from advancing along the Basque coast through the use of naval artillery. Only a small force of five destroyers was left in charge of the blockade of the Strait of Gibraltar, a key strategic location.[152]

The republican strategy was successful, stopping the advance of the rebel forces by land. The superiority of the Republican fleet in the Cantabrian Sea was so overwhelming that during its presence in the region, the navy of the rebel side remained inactive and took refuge in the naval base of Ferrol.[152]​.

However, a series of events changed the course of the war in the Cantabrian Sea. The majority of the Republican fleet had to return to the Mediterranean, since the national cruisers Canarias "Canarias (C-21)") and Almirante Cervera "Almirante Cervera (1928)") surprisingly broke the blockade of the Strait with hardly any opposition. Only a small squadron of two destroyers, two submarines and a torpedo boat remained, which together with the flotilla of bous&action=edit&redlink=1 "Bous (ship) (not yet written)") of the Euzkadi Auxiliary Navy created by the Basque Government, turned out to be insufficient to maintain control of the region.[150]​[152]​[note 9]​.

The rebels took advantage of this opportunity to consolidate their dominance in the Cantabrian Sea. The battleship España "España (1913)"), the destroyer Velasco "Velasco (V)"), three gunned merchant ships and a flotilla of armed bouses took control of the Cantabrian Sea and blocked access to the Republican ports in the northern strip. They also seized merchant ships that tried to reach these ports at will. The supremacy of the rebellious fleet allowed it to exercise an effective naval and commercial blockade in the region, while providing support to its army's offensives.[150]​.

The Royal Navy represented one of the main sources of complications for the rebellious Cantabrian Naval Forces, since they prevented the identification of merchant ships heading towards Republican ports, until they reached the limit of three miles from the coast. This constituted a serious inconvenience, since in that area they were already exposed to enemy coastal artillery fire. Despite everything, Republican maritime traffic in this area was increasingly strangled, with the consequent repercussions on the Northern front.[153]​.

This situation left the Republican side in a vulnerable position, since its Cantabrian Naval Fleet did not have a clear strategy and its main focus was hunting down the rebel cruiser Almirante Cervera "Almirante Cervera (1928)"), the most important ship of the rebel side. However, the attempts of the Republican submarines to sink this objective were not successful, which led to the cruiser not having an enemy capable of matching it in the Cantabrian Sea, its supremacy in this sea would become practically total.[153]​.

The situation worsened after the fall of Bilbao in June 1937, as the rebel forces advanced towards Santander, backed by the Francoist navy that continued to maintain the naval blockade. To defend Asturias from the blockade, the two destroyers Císcar "Císcar (CR)") and José Luis Díez "José Luis Díez (JD)") remained, as well as three submarines, of which two soon defected to France.[150]​.

The Cantabrian naval theater of operations during the civil war would come to an end with the sinking of the Republican destroyer Císcar in an air attack on October 20, 1937, and the subsequent escape from Gijón to Bordeaux in a torpedo boat of the General Staff of the Cantabrian Naval Forces.[150]​.

Since the beginning of the Civil War, the Germans proposed to obtain minerals such as iron from Spanish mines to boost weapons production within the framework of the Four-Year Plan led by Hermann Göring. Francisco Franco's political alliance with the Axis and the debt incurred during the civil war facilitated the exploitation of Spanish mines for the benefit of the German war effort in World War II.[146]​.

Despite the Spanish position of neutrality during the Second World War, maritime traffic to Bayonne "Bayonne (France)") was organized early, intensifying after the German takeover on June 27, 1940. Strategic minerals on a military level such as iron, zinc, fluorite, copper, pyrite, tin, etc. -not counting the clandestine trafficking of tungsten that will cause so much concern to the Allied services- came from the north of Spain, mainly from Bilbao, Pasajes and Vigo. Through operations of secret diplomacy and undisclosed trade, a merchant ship system based on flags of convenience was developed that covered traffic between the ports of the Cantabrian Sea and Bayonne, seeking through subterfuge to satisfy German needs for its war effort.[146]​.

At the same time, the German submarines were being supplied and repaired in Spanish ports and their relief crews were allowed to travel through Spain.[154]​.

Faced with this situation, the Allies "Allies (World War II)") deployed a series of operations in the Bay of Biscay to prevent enemy traffic. Systematic attacks were carried out to hinder the transport of minerals from Spain to Bayonne, even dedicating a flotilla of submarines based at Rosneath to this task.[146]

In an attempt to increase maritime traffic, the Germans considered acquiring ships using Spanish intermediaries or companies legally established but controlled by German services, which sought to acquire small Spanish shipping companies that, if possible, maintained the national flag.[146]​.

The importance of this clandestine trade led the British Admiralty to launch "Operation Myrmidon" in April 1942 in the estuary of the Adur River, with the aim of interrupting the transport of goods by road and rail between France and Spain. Although the operation failed, the German military authorities were forced to considerably reinforce the fortifications on the coast between Boucau and Hendaye during the following years, as well as the protection of merchant ships engaged in trafficking. of minerals to Bayonne.[146]​[156]​.

After the liberation of most of France in 1944, some heavily fortified strongholds persisted on the Atlantic coast, being supplied by sea and maintaining contacts with the Nazi authorities in Germany. The Allies, for their part, waited for circumstances to improve to dislodge the Nazis from these marginal strongholds, hoping that the collapse of Germany before the end of the year would make their conquest unnecessary.

Towards the summer of 1944, the pockets of resistance of the German army on the Atlantic coast, subject to an imperfect maritime blockade, needed supplies and communications. The German high command prioritized the maritime line, bringing supplies from Spain weekly to these fortresses: Lorient, Saint-Nazaire, the port of La Rochelle, Royan, etc. Spanish collaboration in this company was denounced by the Allies, generating diplomatic tensions. The presence of Nazi soldiers and agents in Cantabrian ports was highlighted and the activities of Kriegsmarine sailors belonging to submarines or small boats that were dedicated to supplying these strongholds of German resistance on the French coast were denounced.[146]​.

As 1945 progressed, French surveillance intensified, and speedboats based in Saint-Jean-de-Luz and planes based in Hourtin (Gironde) made Spanish-German exchanges considerably more difficult. The situation became increasingly difficult for the Germans, with stricter control and more effective actions by the Allied secret services.[146]​.

Finally, after the tungsten crisis and the Laurel Incident, General Franco began to reconsider his foreign policy, pledging to significantly reduce tungsten exports and suspend collaboration with the Axis powers.

A particularly worrying aspect is oil tanker traffic. More than 70% of the oil consumed in the European Union is transported by ship through the Finisterre Pass "Finisterre (Spain)"), heading towards the English Channel before reaching its final destination in various European ports. This route has turned the Cantabrian Sea into a high-risk area for maritime accidents, especially oil spills.[164] The region has witnessed several devastating accidents involving supertankers. In an interval of just a decade, three major incidents shook the area: the wreck of the Aegean Sea "Aegean Sea (oil tanker)") in 1992 near La Coruña, which spilled more than 70,000 tons of oil; the sinking of the Erika "Erika (tanker)") off the coast of France in 1999, spilling 10,000 tons; and the Prestige disaster in 2002, which produced an oil spill of more than 60,000 tons that seriously affected the Spanish coast. These incidents, along with others such as those of Monte Urquiola (1976), Andros Patria") (1979) and Castillo de Salas (1986), have made this region one of the most affected by this type of accidents in the world.[164]​.

According to recent studies, the Cantabrian coast is emerging as one of the major beneficiaries of the effects of climate change on the Spanish tourism sector. As extreme heat deters visitors from traditional Mediterranean destinations, the Cantabrian region would become an attractive "climate refuge" thanks to its moderate temperatures. However, this phenomenon would represent a double-edged sword: although it would boost the economy, it would also exert strong pressure on coastal ecosystems and marine biodiversity, with the risk of replicating the errors of overcrowding and overexploitation already visible in other latitudes (touristification").[165]​.

The Cantabrian Sea is, therefore, at a crossroads. On the one hand, economic development and the growth of maritime transportation have brought prosperity to the region. On the other hand, these same factors have endangered the delicate ecological balance of its waters and coasts. The challenge for the future lies in finding a sustainable balance between economic development and the preservation of the natural environment, guaranteeing the protection of this valuable marine ecosystem.[164]​.